From Baghdad to Basra, the Faces of Iraq's 'October Revolution'

Sahar, a 22-year-old Iraqi engineering student, with the liquids protesters use to soothe eyes inflamed by tear gas | AFP
Sahar, a 22-year-old Iraqi engineering student, with the liquids protesters use to soothe eyes inflamed by tear gas | AFP
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From Baghdad to Basra, the Faces of Iraq's 'October Revolution'

Sahar, a 22-year-old Iraqi engineering student, with the liquids protesters use to soothe eyes inflamed by tear gas | AFP
Sahar, a 22-year-old Iraqi engineering student, with the liquids protesters use to soothe eyes inflamed by tear gas | AFP

They hail from Basra's poorest slums and Baghdad's best universities and count among their ranks artists, tribal dignitaries, and desperate young men. Iraq's "October Revolution" reflects a diverse society.

But the people hitting Iraq's streets since October 1 have one thing in common: they are frustrated and sad but immeasurably determined to see their oil-rich homeland shed government graft and sectarian politics.

In a flowing black veil, with the Iraqi flag draped over her shoulders, Um Qassem emanates steely courage as chaos rages around the 53-year-old woman: military-grade tear gas canisters and smoke bombs tear by, leaving trails of grey, orange and purple smoke in the air.

Fired by security forces near Baghdad's main protest camp of Tahrir Square, such canisters have proved lethal, cracking protesters' skulls, necks, and rib cages.

"I've got a revolutionary soul," says the 53-year-old after spending almost two consecutive months on Tahrir, in the eye of the storm.

She says she has joined every demonstration in Iraq since ex-dictator Saddam Hussein was toppled in the US-led invasion of 2003, his regime replaced by a ruling system now slammed by protesters as inefficient and corrupt.

"The politicians have villas and we've got nothing at all," says Um Qassem, who can neither read nor write.

- 'Armoured Division' -

To fight back, protesters have formed "special units," or teams of men in bicycle helmets and thick gloves who pour water onto the incoming canisters or kick them back at police.

One 21-year-old man has scraped together what he can for the dangerous job: a blue construction helmet, a first aid kit strapped to his forearm and a grubby white welding glove to toss the grenades back.

Another wore an oxygen mask and carried a makeshift shield made of part of an aluminum barrel, with an Iraqi flag emblazoned on it.

A third man looked ready for war, sporting face-paint like DC Comics character the Joker, a flak jacket and a metal grate spray-painted with the words: "Tahrir Armoured Division."

They are beloved by the protesters for putting their lives on the line to keep canisters away from the crowds trying to get on with their revolution.

- Women on the front -

But in case a projectile makes it past that first line of defense and wounds an activist, the volunteer medics come in.

Dotted around Tahrir Square are field clinics where young medical students or protesters with rudimentary first aid knowledge treat those suffocating from tear gas, hit by a rubber bullet or wounded by live fire.

Fatma, 23, wears diving goggles and a medical mask to protect herself from clouds of tear gas as she squirts bottles of serum on protesters affected by the smoke.

"It's the first time I'm protesting," says Sahar, 22, an engineering student, only her eyes visible behind a mustard scarf wrapped around her face.

"I'm not afraid," says the young Baghdad native, packing some medical equipment and bravely trekking to the frontline, where teenagers are facing off against security forces.

- Martyrs, memorialized -

Red eyes, bloody wounds and streaks of soot from burning car tires: actor Muntazar Ali recreates them all for an emotional street theatre production in his protest-hit hometown of Basra.

He played a demonstrator shot dead in a salvo of bullets and tear gas just a few hundred meters from where real violence was playing out.

The painfully realistic play brought the mostly-male audience to shoulder-shaking sobs, many of them having lost a friend or relative in weeks of bloodshed.

More than 450 people have died and nearly 20,000 have been wounded, a mounting death toll that pushed Ali Hussani, a 34-year-old tribal member, to hit the streets.

"I'm here so the police officers and soldiers who killed protesters will be judged," he says, a traditional checkered scarf carefully wrapped around his head.

- Only the beginning -

In Tahrir, there are clans and clerics, like 41-year-old Nasser al-Waili. There are Instagram stars and university professors including Adel Naji, 56.

But the protests' engine is the students less than half their age: schoolchildren defying their parents to skip class or activists bringing food to the square despite threats of kidnapping.

They are Zein Rafid and Hassan al-Tamimi, Banin Diaa and 24-year-old Taha Mushtaq.

"We want change," says Mushtaq frankly, his large eyes framed by imposing eyeglasses.

They are proud of turning protest spots into melting pots, where they can speak freely and build the society they have always dreamed of in Iraq.

"We want to make everything more beautiful," says one 20-year-old building painter, retouching chipped sidewalk paint near Tahrir.

The participation of youth, 60 percent of Iraq's 40 million people, has moved their elders.

"Those of us with white hair should also be here to support the youth," said Hassan Abu Alaa, 65, fondly known as the "sheikh of the protesters."

In Basra, 22-year-old Minatallah Mohammad paints a mural of deep blue seas and star-studded skies as part of anti-government protests -- a hopeful horizon for the many thousands of young people putting their aspirations into this "October Revolution."

Asked what he wanted out of the uprising, a demonstrator wearing a "Guy Fawkes" mask, a symbol used by anti-establishment protesters everywhere, barely paused to think.

"A future."



Israeli Defense Minister: We Will Never Withdraw our Forces from Gaza

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
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Israeli Defense Minister: We Will Never Withdraw our Forces from Gaza

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz. (dpa)

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Tuesday that Israel “will never withdraw from the Gaza Strip,” announcing that new settlement outposts will be established in the northern part of the enclave “when the appropriate time comes.”

Israeli media reported that Katz made the remarks during a ceremony held in Beit El, stating: “We will do this in the right way and at the right time. There will be those who protest, but we are ministers.”


A Shaky Start for Lebanon’s Financial Gap Bill

Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
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A Shaky Start for Lebanon’s Financial Gap Bill

Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Depositors hold protest banners against the draft deposit recovery law during popular demonstrations on the road to the Presidential Palace (Asharq Al-Awsat). 

A widening wave of objections in Lebanon to the draft “financial gap” bill has exposed the hurdles facing its passage in parliament.

Prepared by a ministerial and legal committee chaired by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, the bill has drawn resistance from influential political and sectoral actors, bolstering the opposition voiced by depositors’ associations and the banking lobby.

Conflicting ministerial positions ahead of Monday’s special cabinet session to review the final draft underscore the sharp disputes likely to intensify once the bill is formally sent to parliament, a senior financial official told Asharq Al-Awsat.

With parliamentary elections due next spring, candidates are wary of confronting voters or powerful interest groups.

According to the government’s forthcoming brief, the bill marks the end of years of disorder and the start of a clear path to restore rights, protect social stability, and rebuild confidence in the financial system after six years of paralysis, silent erosion of deposits, and crisis mismanagement.

It is framed not as a narrow technical fix, but as a strategic shift, from denying losses and letting them fall haphazardly, to acknowledging and organizing them within an enforceable legal framework.

The government argues the plan would protect about 85% of depositors by enabling access to a guaranteed portion of savings, up to $100,000 over four years, while preserving the nominal value of all deposits via central bank–guaranteed bonds maturing in 10, 15, and 20 years.

Banks, however, have openly declared their “fundamental reservations and strong objection” to the bill on financial regularization and deposit treatment.

Professional associations and unions have joined depositors’ groups in opposing proposals they say would load the bulk of losses onto depositors, either through direct haircuts or by stretching repayment over one to two decades.

The Beirut Order of Engineers added its voice, warning that the near-final draft manages collapse rather than delivers reform, distributing losses unfairly at the expense of depositors and productive sectors, and failing to explicitly protect union funds.

Legal objections have also surfaced over provisions with retroactive effect, taxes, levies, and accounting adjustments applied to transfers made after the crisis erupted in autumn 2019, as well as to past deposit returns.

Banks say such measures constitute an unjustified infringement of rights and lack sound legal and financial grounding or precedent.

The financial official noted that these retroactive elements could be challenged before the State Council, as they contradict the principle that laws apply only after promulgation. Most transactions, he added, were conducted under then-valid laws and central bank approvals.

By contrast, previous governments compelled the central bank to spend more than $11 billion on poorly controlled subsidies, much of which was smuggled abroad, notably to Syrian markets.

Banks insist that any credible solution must begin with a precise, transparent assessment of the financial gap at the Central Bank, based on audited, unified accounts and realistic financial modeling.

They argue that the plan effectively wipes out banks’ capital and - under loss-sharing rules set by Law 23/2025 - ultimately hits depositors, while the state avoids settling its debts to the central bank or covering its balance-sheet shortfall.

 

 

 


Gazans Fear Renewed Displacement after Israeli Strikes

This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
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Gazans Fear Renewed Displacement after Israeli Strikes

This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
This overview shows a destroyed mosque and other buildings in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 7, 2024 on the first anniversary of the ongoing war in the Palestinian territory between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)

When her children, trembling with fear, ask where the family can go to escape Israel's continued bombardment in southern Gaza's Khan Yunis area, Umm Ahmed has no answer.

In her small, devastated village near Khan Yunis city, recent Israeli drone and artillery strikes shattered the tenuous sense of peace delivered by a ceasefire that has largely held since October 10, AFP said.

Residents say the strikes have targeted neighborhoods east of the so-called Yellow Line -- a demarcation established under the truce between Israel and Hamas.

The Israeli military says its troops are deployed in the area in accordance with the ceasefire framework, accusing Hamas militants of "crossing the Yellow Line and carrying out terrorist activities".

More than two years after Hamas's October 7 attack on Israel sparked a devastating war, tens of thousands of Gazans still live in tents or damaged homes in these areas, where the Israeli army maintains control and operates checkpoints.

Now, many fear being forced from their homes, compelled to move west of the Yellow Line.

"We don't sleep at night because of fear. The bombardments in the east are relentless," said Umm Ahmed, 40.

"My children tremble at every explosion and ask me, 'Where can we go?' And I have no answer."

Her home in Bani Suheila has been completely destroyed, yet the family has stayed, pitching a tent beside the ruins.

"Staying close to our destroyed home is easier than facing the unknown," Umm Ahmed said.

Crossing the Yellow Line to Al-Mawasi, west of Khan Yunis, is not an option for them.

There, makeshift camps stretch as far as the eye can see, housing tens of thousands of Palestinians who fled the fighting.

"There is no place left for anyone there, and not enough food or water," Umm Ahmed said, as Gaza remains trapped in a catastrophic humanitarian crisis.

- 'We will not leave' -

The Israeli military blames continued threats from the Hamas group for its actions in the area.

The Israeli military said in a statement to AFP that the army’s “current operations in Gaza, and their deployment in the Yellow Line area in particular, are carried out to address direct threats from terrorist organizations in Gaza.”

The war in Gaza began with Hamas's attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 that resulted in the deaths of 1,221 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.

Since the war began, more than 70,000 people have been killed in Gaza, according to the Hamas-run territory's health ministry.

The vast majority of Gaza's more than two million residents were displaced during the war, many multiple times.

A fragile ceasefire has been in place since October 10, though both sides regularly accuse each other of violations.

Under the truce, Israeli forces withdrew to positions east of the Yellow Line.

Earlier this month, Israeli army chief Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir described the Yellow Line as the "new border line" with Israel.

"The Yellow Line is a new border line -- serving as a forward defensive line for our communities and a line of operational activity," he said to reserve soldiers in Gaza.

For Palestinian officials, the line is seen as a tool for permanent displacement.

"The objective is to frighten residents, expel them from their areas, and force them west," said Alaa al-Batta, mayor of Khan Yunis, denouncing the bombardments as "violations of the ceasefire agreement".

Mahmud Baraka, 45, from Khuzaa, east of Khan Yunis, described constant artillery fire and home demolitions in the area.

"It feels like we are still living in a war zone," he said.

"Explosions happen as if they are right next to us. The objective of the occupation is clear: to intimidate us and drive us out, so the region is emptied."

For now, residents feel trapped between bombardment and displacement, uncertain how long they can endure.

Despite the danger, Abdel Hamid, 70, refuses to leave his home located north of Khan Yunis, where he lives with his five children.

"We will not leave... this is our land," he said.

"Moving would not be a solution, but yet another tragedy."