For Manchester United the Gulf to Liverpool is Cause for Major Concern

Manchester United players react after their Premier League defeat at Anfield. (Getty Images)
Manchester United players react after their Premier League defeat at Anfield. (Getty Images)
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For Manchester United the Gulf to Liverpool is Cause for Major Concern

Manchester United players react after their Premier League defeat at Anfield. (Getty Images)
Manchester United players react after their Premier League defeat at Anfield. (Getty Images)

Liverpool are brilliant. They are top of the league by 16 points with a game in hand and will probably have the title wrapped up by the end of March. And yet at the same time, while acknowledging how preposterous it is to offer any criticism of a side that has taken 67 points from 23 games this season, there must be a sense that of late they’ve become a little bit sloppy.

In their league games against Tottenham last week and then against Manchester United at Anfield on Sunday, they have come extremely close to drawing games they have dominated almost entirely. Giovani Lo Celso and Anthony Martial both missed extremely presentable chances to make it 1-1. In both games Liverpool ended up under pressure in the final 10 minutes – on Sunday at least until Mohamed Salah added a second on the break deep in injury time. Tottenham they had broadly held at arm’s length, in a performance of great control; United they had pummelled for roughly a third of each half. And yet in each two points could have slipped from their grasp.

Not that it really matters to Liverpool, of course, for anything other than the pursuit of records. At this stage their lead is unassailable and would be even if it were only 12 points. Perhaps that fallibility offers a note of caution before the Champions League knockouts, where a single goal carelessly conceded can have profound consequences. But actually the greater impact of the past two games may be for the losing sides. Those late rallies perhaps conjured the impression that all is not too far awry. But for United in particular, the gulf to Liverpool should be cause for major concern.

This was 2-0 going on 5-1. Liverpool’s opening goal may have come slightly against the run of play but, in the 20 minutes that followed, United were overwhelmed. It was the same story in the 12 minutes of the second half from kick-off to Fred’s chance. In both spells Liverpool were quicker, sharper, stronger and cleverer. In both they could have scored two or three times without it seeming outrageous. There were goals ruled out for marginal decisions, the woodwork was struck and Salah somehow scuffed wide from eight yards with the whole goal at which to aim. Without being anything like the best football they have played this season, that was the level Liverpool can reach when they put their foot down – and it was a level high above United’s capacity.

Injuries do not help, of course. United are without their two best central midfielders and their best forward. That would destabilize any side. But then Liverpool had been without their first-choice holding midfielder from the end of November until eight minutes from time on Sunday – and their response to that has been 11 clean sheets in 15 games (and two of the games when they conceded came within 24 hours of each other). Their first-choice goalkeeper missed 11 games with a calf injury. Good teams with well-constructed squads overcome misfortune; weaker ones wallow in it.

Ole Gunnar Solskjær is becoming a master of discovering filaments of silver lining in the bleakest of clouds. If football management does not work out for him, a job in forensic pathology surely awaits. Here he talked of how well Fred had played, how committed United had been, how they had fought back after the barrage at the beginning of the second half. None of which was untrue – and Fred’s form over the past couple of months is arguably the brightest aspect of this season for United.

But there is a bigger picture. This was not quite taking consolation from Manchester City having sufficient respect for United that they picked a strong team against them in the Carabao Cup but it was rhetoric of the mid-table manager trying to draw positives from an entirely predictable defeat against a much better side.

And that is where United stand – not in terms of resources or stadium or fanbase or cachet, of course, but in terms of form.

They may lie fifth in the Premier League and the gap to fourth and implausible Champions League qualification may be only five points but from their 34 points from 23 games one can extrapolate that to 56 for the season. That would have been enough for fifth in 2003-04 but every other season in the past 20 years it would leave United seventh, eighth or ninth. It is eight points fewer than they got in their first post-Ferguson season, when David Moyes was sacked four games from the end of the season.

There is an understandable willingness for Solskjær to succeed and the manager is not the only problem, perhaps not even the biggest problem, at Old Trafford. Patience, without question, is a rare virtue in football but it does not take much for the search for positives to become a hunt for excuses. United have just been well beaten by a Liverpool side 30 points ahead of them and the message seems to be that they should be grateful it was not worse. United are sleepwalking towards mediocrity: somebody, some time, is going to have to wake them up.

The Guardian Sport



Al-Alimi Names New Yemeni Govt

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)
Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)
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Al-Alimi Names New Yemeni Govt

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)
Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi announced on Friday the formation of a new government.

The lineup was presented by Prime Minister Shaie Mohsen Al-Zindani and approved by al-Alimi.

Al-Zinadani retained his position of PM, as did Muammar Al-Iryani as Minister of Information.

The government is formed of Nayef Saleh Abdulqader Al-Bakri as Minister of Youth and Sports; Salem Abdullah Issa Al-Saqtari as Minister of Agriculture, Irrigation and Fisheries; Major General Ibrahim Ali Ahmed Haidan as Minister of Interior; Tawfiq Abdulwahid Ali Al-Sharjabi as Minister of Water and Environment; Mohammed Mohammed Hizam Al-Ashwal as Minister of Industry and Trade; and Dr. Qasim Mohammed Qasim Baheebah as Minister of Public Health and Population.

Judge Badr Abdo Ahmed Al-Aradha was named Minister of Justice; Major General (Staff) Taher Ali Aydha Al-Auqeeli as Minister of Defense; Engineer Badr Mohammed Mubarak Basalmah as Minister of Local Administration; Muti’a Ahmed Qasim Dammaj as Minister of Culture and Tourism; and Dr. Anwar Mohammed Ali Kalshat Al-Mahri as Minister of Technical Education and Vocational Training.

Engineer Adnan Mohammed Omar Al-Kaf was named Minister of Electricity and Energy; Marwan Faraj Saeed bin Ghanem as Minister of Finance; Dr. Afrah Abdulaziz Al-Zouba as Minister of Planning and International Cooperation; Salem Abu Bakr Mohammed Thabet Al-Awlaki as Minister of Civil Service and Insurance; Judge Ishraq Fadl Al-Maqtari as Minister of Legal Affairs; Dr. Adel Abdulmajid Alawi Al-Abbadi as Minister of Education; and Dr. Ameen Noman Mohammed Al-Qadsi as Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research.

Dr. Shadi Saleh Basarah was appointed Minister of Communications and Information Technology; Dr. Mohammed Abdullah Ali Bamqa’a as Minister of Oil and Minerals; Mohsen Ali Haidarah Qasim Al-Omari as Minister of Transport; Engineer Hussein Awad Saeed Al-Aqrabi as Minister of Public Works and Roads; Mukhtar Omar Saleh Al-Yafei as Minister of Social Affairs and Labor; Mashdal Mohammed Omar Ahmed as Minister of Human Rights; Sheikh Turki Abdullah Ali Al-Wadei as Minister of Endowments and Guidance; Dr. Abdullah Ali Hussein Abu Hurriya as Minister of State for Parliamentary and Shura Council Affairs; Abdulghani Hefzullah Jameel as Minister of State and Secretary of the Capital Sanaa; Dr. Ahd Mohammed Salem Ja’sous as Minister of State for Women’s Affairs; and Abdulrahman Sheikh Al-Yafei as Minister of State and Governor of Aden Governorate.

Ahmed Saleh Ahmed Al-Awlaki, Judge Akram Naseeb Ahmed Al-Ameri, Walid Mohammed Mohammed Al-Qudaimi and Walid Ali Ismail Al-Abarah were named Ministers of State.


Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Praises Saudi Arabia’s Continued Support

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Praises Saudi Arabia’s Continued Support

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council renewed its appreciation to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for its continued support of the Yemeni people, the Saudi Press Agency said on Saturday.

The council praised the Kingdom’s leadership under Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, for their sincere and steadfast positions in backing Yemen. It also commended Saudi Arabia’s dedicated efforts to enhance security and stability, strengthen state institutions, and provide generous humanitarian and development assistance.

The remarks were made during a meeting of the Presidential Leadership Council held on Friday in Riyadh.

The meeting reviewed local developments across various levels, including progress toward restoring recovery and normalizing conditions in the temporary capital, Aden, and in the liberated governorates.

Discussions also focused on the ongoing efforts of local authorities, as well as security and military agencies, to stabilize the situation and advance institutional performance.


Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
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Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)

What was meant to be a routine visit by Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal to Washington to discuss military support and aid coordination turned into a political flashpoint, after a brief meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham ignited a dispute over whether the army chief would describe Hezbollah as a “terrorist organization.”

The controversy was sparked by a brief meeting with hardline Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who publicly said he cut the meeting short after Haykal declined to use the designation in what he called the “context of Lebanon.”

What happened in the Graham meeting

In a post on X, Graham said: “I just had a very brief meeting with the Lebanese Chief of Defense General Rodolphe Haykal. I asked him point blank if he believes Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. He said, “No, not in the context of Lebanon.” With that, I ended the meeting.”

“They are clearly a terrorist organization. Hezbollah has American blood on its hands. Just ask the US Marines,” he added.

“They have been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by both Republican and Democrat administrations since 1997 – for good reason.”

“As long as this attitude exists from the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don’t think we have a reliable partner in them.”

“I am tired of the double speak in the Middle East. Too much is at stake,” Graham concluded.

The reaction went beyond expressions of displeasure. Some US coverage suggested Graham effectively raised questions about the “usefulness” of continuing support for the Lebanese army if such a gap persists between the US position and Lebanon’s official language.

Haykal’s answer raises its cost in Washington

Inside Lebanon, the issue is not limited to the stance on Hezbollah. Still, it extends to the army’s role as a unifying institution in a country whose political balance rests on sectarian arrangements and deep sensitivities.

Adopting an external designation, even a US one, in official language by the head of the military could be interpreted domestically as a move that risks triggering political and sectarian division or drawing the army into confrontation with a component that has organized political and popular representation.

That explains why Lebanese voices, including some critics of Hezbollah, defended the logic that “the state does not adopt this classification.” Therefore, the army commander cannot formally do so.

In other words, Haykal sought to avoid two conflicting languages: Washington’s legal and political framing of Hezbollah, and the Lebanese state’s language, which walks a fine line between the demand for exclusive state control over arms and the avoidance of reproducing internal fractures.

US State Department position

Amid the controversy surrounding the Graham meeting, an official US position emerged on Tuesday through the US Embassy in Beirut, welcoming the visit and focusing on the core US message.

The statement said that “the Lebanese Armed Forces’ ongoing work to disarm non-state actors and reinforce national sovereignty as Lebanon’s security guarantor is more important than ever.”

The wording was notable because it separated two levels: continued US reliance on the army as a state institution, and, in practice, linking that reliance to the issue of disarming non-state actors.

The phrase avoids direct naming but, in the Lebanese context, is widely understood to refer primarily to Hezbollah.

The visit’s broader track

Despite the political awkwardness, Haykal’s visit was not reduced to a single meeting. He held senior-level military talks, including meetings with US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine.

According to a statement from a Joint Chiefs spokesperson, the meeting “reaffirmed the importance of enduring US defense relationships in the Middle East.”

The visit coincided with broader discussions in Washington on support for the Lebanese army and plans to extend state authority, as international reports spoke of Lebanon entering new phases of a plan to dismantle illegal weapons structures in the south and north.

The army commander’s visit had initially been delayed for reasons that add another layer to understanding Washington’s sensitivity to the military’s language.

In November 2025, sources quoted the US State Department as saying Washington canceled scheduled meetings with the Lebanese army commander after objecting to an army statement on border tensions with Israel, prompting the visit to be postponed to avoid a pre-emptive political failure.