Fire at Houthi Fuel Depot Destroys 30 Homes in Sanaa

An image of the fire in Sanaa as tweeted by Yemen's information minister.
An image of the fire in Sanaa as tweeted by Yemen's information minister.
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Fire at Houthi Fuel Depot Destroys 30 Homes in Sanaa

An image of the fire in Sanaa as tweeted by Yemen's information minister.
An image of the fire in Sanaa as tweeted by Yemen's information minister.

Thirty homes were destroyed in the Yemeni capital, Sanaa, after a fire broke out in a fuel depot belonging to the Iran-backed Houthi militias.

The depot was used to sell the fuel on the black market and is located in a popular neighborhood in western Sanaa.

Witnesses told Asharq Al-Awsat that the fire was not the first of its kind since the Houthis’ 2014 coup, but it was the largest.

Dozens of homes were affected, with some completely destroyed despite attempts by residents to contain the blaze, they added.

Witnesses in Sanaa said the depot belonged to Houthi member, Naji al-Hakem, who like other militant leaders, is active on the black market where the militias seek personal enrichment at the expense of the impoverished Yemenis.

The witnesses said the fire broke out in the al-Sneina neighborhood, sparking panic among the people and amid a lax reaction from the Houthi-controlled civil defense teams.

No casualties have been reported yet, according to Houthis sources that claimed that the fire was under control.

Sanaa residents have slammed the incident as yet another example of the Houthis’ looting of oil derivatives to sell them on the black market. They cited a recent fuel shortage, which they said was deliberately caused by the Houthis for their personal gain.

Information Minister Moammar al-Eryani slammed the fire, accusing the Houthis of storing the fuel in a residential area, with total disregard to the danger posed to the people.

He confirmed in a tweet the massive damage caused by the blaze, saying it was caused by a leak in a tank that was being stored at the residence of a black market trader.



Hezbollah Seeks New Victory Narrative in Defending Beirut

Members of the Mahdi Scouts carry the coffins of a Hezbollah commander and members of his family during their funeral in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP)
Members of the Mahdi Scouts carry the coffins of a Hezbollah commander and members of his family during their funeral in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP)
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Hezbollah Seeks New Victory Narrative in Defending Beirut

Members of the Mahdi Scouts carry the coffins of a Hezbollah commander and members of his family during their funeral in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP)
Members of the Mahdi Scouts carry the coffins of a Hezbollah commander and members of his family during their funeral in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP)

As Israel continues to occupy large swathes of southern Lebanon and destroy entire villages, recent statements by Hezbollah officials have raised questions about a shift in the group’s priorities.

The “resistance,” which has long portrayed itself as a force dedicated to liberating occupied territory and confronting Israel, is now speaking more frequently of a “defensive confrontation” and of preventing Israeli forces from reaching Beirut.

That shift has come after Hezbollah’s “red lines” fell one after another. Places including Bint Jbeil, Khiam and Beaufort Castle had become central symbols of the battle.

The latest was the Ali al-Taher ridge, which Hezbollah refused to hand over to the Lebanese army before it, too, fell. The Israeli military said on Thursday evening that it had achieved “operational control” of the highland area, both above and below ground.

Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem has said several times that the group “prevented Israel from reaching Beirut and disarming us.”

His remarks came after Israel seized large areas of the south and destroyed others, while Hezbollah refrained from responding to Israeli attacks since the “framework agreement.”

Israeli officials have said their forces will remain in southern Lebanon until Hezbollah is disarmed — an equation the group rejects.

Seeking victory after defeat

Amid Hezbollah’s deepening predicament, ministerial sources say its officials are now searching for “a victory somewhere” to present to their support base, which is suffering the consequences of the “support wars.”

“The discourse Hezbollah is presenting at this stage — sometimes by talking about Beirut and at other times by declaring Ali al-Taher a red line — is directed at its supporters and social base in an attempt to convince them that what happened was not a defeat, despite the scale of the losses and destruction they suffered,” the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Dr. Riad Kahwaji, a researcher and writer specializing in security and defense affairs, offered a similar assessment, saying Hezbollah changes its narrative according to the circumstances it faces and is now seeking to justify its defeat.

Everything the group said before the war about deterrence, its ability to destroy Tel Aviv and the equation of “Haifa in exchange for Beirut’s southern suburbs” proved unsuccessful, he said.

Kahwaji told Asharq Al-Awsat that Qassem had also spoken of close combat with Israeli forces and threatened that they would not dare launch a ground battle or enter the battlefield.

The results on the ground, however, included the loss of more than 50 villages and the advance of Israeli forces north of the Litani River, to the outskirts of Nabatieh and the Ali al-Taher hill.

On the defensive despite the occupation

Kahwaji said Hezbollah now needs a new narrative “to sell to its popular base.” That narrative is built around the claim that the group prevented Israel from reaching Beirut and has shifted into a defensive position after losing its ability to liberate occupied territory.

Talk of defense and preventing further Israeli advances has therefore replaced talk of liberation.

Kahwaji said Hezbollah no longer invokes most of the narratives it promoted before the war. It now hopes its support base will accept the existing reality and be persuaded by the “achievement” the group is seeking to present.

A shift reflecting the depth of the predicament

Dr. Imad Salamey, a professor of political science at Lebanese American University, offered another interpretation of the shift in Hezbollah’s rhetoric.

He said the group’s officials are attempting to recast its role and weapons as a means of defending all of Lebanon, rather than only the south or the Shiite community.

“The claim that Israel would have reached Beirut is intended to address Lebanon’s various sectarian communities and persuade them that Hezbollah’s weapons provide a national protective umbrella,” Salamey told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“According to this narrative, demands for the group’s disarmament threaten the security of all Lebanese.”

At the same time, Salamey said the rhetoric also reflects the scale of the pressure Hezbollah is facing.

“The group is trying to pressure the government into backing away from its demand that weapons be placed exclusively under state control and to reject any arrangement that would require its military withdrawal from the south or from areas such as Ali al-Taher,” he said.

“The paradox is that Hezbollah’s continued armed presence outside state authority provides Israel with the pretext it uses to justify its continuing operations and military presence, while Lebanon’s priority should be to remove those pretexts and push Israel to withdraw.”

Salamey said Hezbollah’s preemptive rejection of any arrangement requiring its withdrawal or disarmament could not be separated from the ongoing negotiations.

“In practice, Hezbollah is seeking to derail any negotiations based on the state restoring full security control over the south,” he said.

“This weakens the government’s position and restricts its ability to demand an Israeli withdrawal.”


Victims of Iraq’s Tishreen Protests Prepare to Sue Badr Organization Leader

Some Iraqis with disabilities were among the victims of the crackdown on the 2019 Tishreen protests (Reuters)
Some Iraqis with disabilities were among the victims of the crackdown on the 2019 Tishreen protests (Reuters)
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Victims of Iraq’s Tishreen Protests Prepare to Sue Badr Organization Leader

Some Iraqis with disabilities were among the victims of the crackdown on the 2019 Tishreen protests (Reuters)
Some Iraqis with disabilities were among the victims of the crackdown on the 2019 Tishreen protests (Reuters)

Reactions continued to mount in Iraq over controversial remarks by Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri about the involvement of armed factions in suppressing the 2019 Tishreen protest movement, amid reports of moves to take legal action against him.

Defending the factions and what he described as their role in protecting the current political system, both by fighting ISIS and by confronting attempts to undermine its foundations, al-Amiri said the factions were responsible for quelling what he called the “Tishreen sedition,” referring to the popular protests that erupted in October 2019.

His remarks appeared to be a slip of the tongue, particularly as they came nearly seven years after the mass uprising, which claimed thousands of victims at the hands of what was then referred to as the “third party,” whose identity has never been revealed. The protesters’ sole slogan was: “We want a homeland.”

Al-Amiri is one of the leading figures in the Shiite Coordination Framework and a member of a three-man committee that also includes former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani. The committee was formed to mediate between the Iraqi government, on one side, and armed factions refusing to surrender their weapons, on the other.

Al-Amiri made the controversial remarks at a public gathering several days ago, saying: “It was the resistance that courageously stood against the Tishreen sedition and preserved the state and the political system.”

His comments angered the families of protesters killed in the demonstrations, as well as those who were wounded.

Slip of the tongue

Al-Amiri’s remarks appeared intended to justify caution over demands that the factions surrender their weapons, particularly those that have said their arms are rooted in ideological commitments and tied to the ongoing confrontation between the United States and Iran.

His comments also followed a visit to Iraq last week by Iranian parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.

But the remarks, widely described as a “slip of the tongue,” triggered a wave of criticism from victims of the Tishreen movement. Some drew a direct connection between al-Amiri’s statement that armed factions had confronted the “sedition” in 2019 and the unidentified “third party” accused of killing protesters.

The armed factions had not previously stated a position on accusations that they were the mysterious “third party.”

Al-Amiri’s comments, however, appeared to suggest that the party’s identity was now known, prompting victims’ families to begin pursuing legal action.

Al-Amiri has not personally responded to interpretations of his remarks. However, a Shi’ite politician close to the Coordination Framework told Asharq Al-Awsat that al-Amiri’s comments, as he intended them, were a defense of the factions’ position at a pivotal moment.

“The Tishreen movement was supported by regional and international parties and was indeed the most serious movement against the political class at the time, even though its slogans were patriotic,” the politician said.

“Attempts at the time to demonize the so-called third party as hostile to both sides — the government and the protesters — led to accusations against Baathists and others, including Israelis,” he added. “Those attempts were aimed at achieving one objective: protecting the political process from threats, as the ruling political class perceived them.”

The source said al-Amiri “could not have found stronger evidence of efforts to protect the political system than what the factions had done, perhaps without realizing the repercussions.”

“The factions protected the political system through one method: confronting the protesters and attempting to suppress them, which led to further casualties,” he said.

Asked why al-Amiri had not clarified his remarks to ease the fierce backlash, which is expected to move into the courts, the Shi’ite politician said: “Any justification or retraction would weaken his position and increase the accusations against the factions at a time when they are facing intense pressure to disarm.”

“He therefore appears to prefer confronting the protesters’ families, even if that produces legal consequences that may not be in his favor,” he added.

Impunity

Dozens of families of victims of the Tishreen movement have begun completing documents proving that their relatives were killed or wounded in clashes with security forces while taking part in the 2019 protests.

They plan to submit the documents as part of formal lawsuits before Iraqi courts following the Badr leader’s remarks.

The families, who have appointed lawyers to represent them in cases against al-Amiri, are undoubtedly aware that the courts may not convict him directly because his remarks were political.

Their likely objective, however, is to restore the reputations of their relatives who were killed or wounded after the authorities branded protesters at the time with harsh labels such as “agents” and “children of the embassies.”

Legal expert Ali al-Tamimi told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the killing of protesters constitutes genocide under Iraqi law and is not subject to a statute of limitations.”

“The attacks against protesters in Baghdad, Nasiriyah, Karbala and Najaf constituted acts of terrorism under Iraqi law and its definition of terrorism,” he said.

“These crimes are not subject to a statute of limitations or the passage of time under the convention barring statutory limitations for genocide crimes and can therefore be pursued at any point in the future,” Tamimi added.


Lebanon: Post-Ali al-Taher…Israeli Political Pressure Mounts

(FILES) A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher Ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)
(FILES) A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher Ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)
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Lebanon: Post-Ali al-Taher…Israeli Political Pressure Mounts

(FILES) A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher Ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)
(FILES) A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher Ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

Israel’s announcement that it has established what it called “operational control” over Ali al-Taher ridge marks a new phase in southern Lebanon, raising questions that go beyond the site’s fate: what comes next militarily, and how the development could shape forthcoming negotiations.

The Israeli military said troops from its 36th Division had gained “operational control” above and below ground in the area. It said Hezbollah fighters had been killed and others had fled, while operations continued to destroy underground facilities.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the ridge no longer posed a threat to Israel. Defense Minister Israel Katz said Israeli forces would not withdraw from what he described as a “security zone” in southern Lebanon until Hezbollah was disarmed.

He said control of the Ali al-Taher ridge marks the end of a phase in consolidating Israeli control over this area.

Hezbollah questions Israel’s claim

Ihab Hamadeh, an MP from Hezbollah’s Loyalty to the Resistance parliamentary bloc, questioned whether Israel had secured full control of Ali al-Taher.

He said the continuing bombardment contradicted claims of complete control on the ground and that Israel had released no images showing its forces entering the facility or seizing the weapons it said were there.

Mahmoud Qamati, deputy head of Hezbollah’s political council, said Israel had tried to portray Ali al-Taher as a “vast military facility” when it was, in fact, “a collection of defensive positions.”

Separately, Israel’s Maariv newspaper quoted an Israeli military source as saying 15 bodies had been found inside tunnels in the area.

Leverage in Rome

Academic and political researcher Hayat Hariri told Asharq Al-Awsat that the developments at Ali al-Taher were far from routine.

“What happened at Ali al-Taher ridge was not an ordinary military development, as some in Hezbollah and among its allies are trying to portray it,” she said.

“Nor can it be placed in the same category as sites that witnessed previous confrontations, because Ali al-Taher’s importance lies in its strategic location and its impact on the broader battlefield in southern Lebanon.”

Hariri said operational control of the ridge would give Israel influence over a broad swathe of southern Lebanon.

“The ridge overlooks Nabatieh and the Marjayoun plain as far as the Upper Galilee, giving it considerable military and strategic importance,” she said.

“More dangerously, any advance beyond Ali al-Taher could make it easier to move toward Iqlim al-Tuffah, Jabal al-Rayhan and the Jezzine district.”

“If Israel continues along this path, then, in my assessment, it is moving toward entrenching a buffer zone stretching from Naqoura to the western Bekaa and geographically linked to the Syrian theater — a vision Israel has discussed in various forms since 2023.”

Hariri said the battlefield developments, led by those at Ali al-Taher, would give Israel additional leverage over Lebanon in the anticipated negotiations in Rome.

“Israel will try to argue that the Lebanese state was unable to push Hezbollah to hand the site over to the Lebanese army and that the Israeli military was the force that completed the mission on the ground,” she said.

“If Israel succeeds in establishing its narrative that the Lebanese state remains unable to address Hezbollah’s weapons and deployment, it may gain additional room to act, though that would not necessarily mean heading toward an all-out war.”

Hariri said the development would increase political pressure on the Lebanese state and give Israel a new bargaining chip in the next round of talks in Rome.

“Even the delay in negotiations can be read in light of the developments at Ali al-Taher,” she said. “Before going to the negotiating table, Israel wants to strengthen its position on the ground and try to impose a new security and political reality in southern Lebanon, then negotiate from that position.”

Limits of a military advance

Retired Brigadier General Khalil al-Jamil, a former commander of the Lebanese army’s South Litani Sector, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the fall of Ali al-Taher represented the loss of an important strategic position, but said Israel’s claim of control required closer scrutiny.

“My assessment is that Israel has not yet secured the entire site,” Jamil said. “It has begun establishing control over the surface and moving across it, while continuing to strike the tunnels and facilities beneath it.”

“What Israel calls operational control means, at this stage, that its forces can move across the ridge, its bulldozers are operating there, and it has established fire control over the surrounding area and begun entering parts of the site.

“It does not necessarily mean Israel has entered and fully secured every tunnel and underground facility.”

Jamil said Ali al-Taher was particularly important to the Nabatieh area.

“To the west, it overlooks Nabatieh and its surroundings, including Shoukin, Mayfadoun, Kfar Jouz and Kfar Rumman,” he said. “To the east, it overlooks the valley stretching toward Iqlim al-Tuffah and Jezzine and as far as Khardali.

“Controlling it, therefore, expands the area Israel can monitor and dominate with fire.”

Jamil said, however, that higher ground remained nearby, most notably al-Rayhan, Sujud, and Jabal al-Rafi, all of which overlook Ali al-Taher and the surrounding area.

“What happened is an Israeli military achievement and a loss for Hezbollah, but it is not a strategic loss on a scale that would mean the collapse of the front,” he said.