In Oil-Rich Iraq, a Few Women Buck Norms, Take Rig Site Jobs

Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)
Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)
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In Oil-Rich Iraq, a Few Women Buck Norms, Take Rig Site Jobs

Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)
Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)

It’s nearly dawn and Zainab Amjad has been up all night working on an oil rig in southern Iraq. She lowers a sensor into the black depths of a well until sonar waves detect the presence of the crude that fuels her country’s economy.

Elsewhere in the oil-rich province of Basra, Ayat Rawthan is supervising the assembly of large drill pipes. These will bore into the Earth and send crucial data on rock formations to screens sitting a few meters (feet) away that she will decipher.

The women, both 24, are among just a handful who have eschewed the dreary office jobs typically handed to female petroleum engineers in Iraq. Instead, they chose to become trailblazers in the country’s oil industry, donning hard hats to take up the grueling work at rig sites.

They are part of a new generation of talented Iraqi women who are testing the limits imposed by their conservative communities. Their determination to find jobs in a historically male-dominated industry is a striking example of the way a burgeoning youth population finds itself increasingly at odds with deeply entrenched and conservative tribal traditions prevalent in Iraq’s southern oil heartland.

The hours Amjad and Rawthan spend in the oil fields are long and the weather unforgiving. Often they are asked what — as women — they are doing there, The Associated Press reported.

“They tell me the field environment only men can withstand,” said Amjad, who spends six weeks at a time living at the rig site. “If I gave up, I’d prove them right.”

Iraq’s fortunes, both economic and political, tend to ebb and flow with oil markets. Oil sales make up 90% of state revenues — and the vast majority of the crude comes from the south. A price crash brings about an economic crisis; a boom stuffs state coffers. A healthy economy brings a measure of stability, while instability has often undermined the strength of the oil sector. Decades of wars, civil unrest and invasion have stalled production.

Following low oil prices dragged down by the coronavirus pandemic and international disputes, Iraq is showing signs of recovery, with January exports reaching 2.868 million barrels per day at $53 per barrel, according to Oil Ministry statistics.

To most Iraqis, the industry can be summed up by those figures, but Amjad and Rawthan have a more granular view. Every well presents a set of challenges; some required more pressure to pump, others were laden with poisonous gas. “Every field feels like going to a new country,” said Amjad.

Given the industry’s outsized importance to the economy, petrochemical programs in the country’s engineering schools are reserved for students with the highest marks. Both women were in the top 5% of their graduating class at Basra University in 2018.

In school they became awestruck by drilling. To them it was a new world, with it’s own language: “spudding” was to start drilling operations, a “Christmas tree” was the very top of a wellhead, and “dope” just meant grease.

Every work day plunges them deep into the mysterious affairs below the Earth’s crust, where they use tools to look at formations of minerals and mud, until the precious oil is found. “Like throwing a rock into water and studying the ripples,” explained Rawthan.

To work in the field, Amjad, the daughter of two doctors, knew she had to land a job with an international oil company — and to do that, she would have to stand out. State-run enterprises were a dead end; there, she would be relegated to office work.

“In my free time, on my vacations, days off I was booking trainings, signing up for any program I could,” said Amjad.

When China’s CPECC came to look for new hires, she was the obvious choice. Later, when Texas-based Schlumberger sought wireline engineers she jumped at the chance. The job requires her to determine how much oil is recoverable from a given well. She passed one difficult exam after another to get to the final interview.

Asked if she was certain she could do the job, she said: “Hire me, watch.”

In two months she traded her green hard hat for a shiny white one, signifying her status as supervisor, no longer a trainee — a month quicker than is typical.

Rawthan, too, knew she would have to work extra hard to succeed. Once, when her team had to perform a rare “sidetrack” — drilling another bore next to the original — she stayed awake all night.

“I didn’t sleep for 24 hours, I wanted to understand the whole process, all the tools, from beginning to end,” she said.

Rawthan also now works for Schlumberger, where she collects data from wells used to determine the drilling path later on. She wants to master drilling, and the company is a global leader in the service.

Relatives, friends and even teachers were discouraging: What about the hard physical work? The scorching Basra heat? Living at the rig site for months at a time? And the desert scorpions that roam the reservoirs at night?

“Many times my professors and peers laughed, ‘Sure, we’ll see you out there,’ telling me I wouldn’t be able to make it,” said Rawthan. “But this only pushed me harder.”

Their parents were supportive, though. Rawthan’s mother is a civil engineer and her father, the captain of an oil tanker who often spent months at sea.

“They understand why this is my passion,” she said. She hopes to help establish a union to bring like-minded Iraqi female engineers together. For now, none exists.

The work is not without danger. Protests outside oil fields led by angry local tribes and the unemployed can disrupt work and sometimes escalate into violence toward oil workers. Confronted every day by flare stacks that point to Iraq’s obvious oil wealth, others decry state corruption, poor service delivery and joblessness.

But the women are willing to take on these hardships. Amjad barely has time to even consider them: It was 11 p.m., and she was needed back at work.

“Drilling never stops,” she said.



Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
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Macron Urges Israel to Hold 'Direct Talks' with Lebanon amid More War Casualties

Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)
Firefighters and first aid responders work inside an apartment that was targeted by an Israeli airstrike in the Burj Hammoud area on the northern outskirts of Beirut on March 14, 2026. (Photo by IBRAHIM AMRO / AFP)

French President Emmanuel Macron on Saturday said Lebanon was ready to engage in "direct talks" with Israel and offered to host negotiations in Paris.

"The Lebanese government has signaled its willingness to engage in direct talks with Israel," he said on X.

"France is ready to facilitate these talks by hosting them in Paris," Macron said, adding he had spoken to the president and prime minister of Lebanon.

He called on Israel to "seize this opportunity ⁠to launch ceasefire discussions, to find a lasting solution and to allow the Lebanese authorities to put in place their engagements for Lebanon's sovereignty."

Macron also urged Israel ⁠to ⁠stop its offensive and on Hezbollah to stop its actions.

"Everything must be done to stop Lebanon from descending into chaos," he said.

A photograph shows the site of an overnight Israeli airstrike that targeted Beirut's southern suburbs, on March 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

At least 12 medical personnel were killed in an Israeli strike on a healthcare center in the town of Borj Qalaouiya in southern Lebanon, the Lebanese state news agency reported on Saturday, citing the health ministry.

The Israeli army said that a day earlier it struck Hezbollah operatives "who were bringing rockets into a weapons depot" in Majdal, around seven kilometers from Borj Qalaouiya.

Also, an Israeli strike hit an apartment building in a northern Beirut suburb that had been targeted a day earlier, Lebanese state media said.

The National News Agency said "an Israeli strike targeted the Nabaa-Burj Hammoud area for a second day."

The same building had been struck on Friday without causing casualties.

The NNA also reported on Friday that Israeli shells hit a United Nations base hosting Nepali peacekeepers in the southern border town of Mais al-Jabal.


Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
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Egypt Renews Call for Joint Arab Force, Warns of ‘Total Chaos’

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)

Egypt renewed calls to form a joint Arab force capable of effectively confronting threats and risks facing Arab states, warning of “the dangers of the conflict widening in the region and the possibility of sliding into comprehensive chaos.”

It also reaffirmed its solidarity with the Gulf states and rejected any attempt by non-Arab regional powers or actors outside the region to impose regional security arrangements on Arab countries.

The remarks came as Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty participated in the fourth joint ministerial meeting between Egypt and the Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign ministers, held virtually on Thursday evening.

The meeting was chaired by Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, the current chair of the GCC ministerial council, and attended by GCC Secretary-General Jassim Albudaiwi.

In a statement on Friday, Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tamim Khallaf said Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt’s “firm and strong support” for the “brotherly Gulf states” and its solidarity with them in confronting the “unacceptable and unjustified attacks” they faced from Iran in recent days.

He stressed Egypt’s “categorical rejection of any pretexts aimed at undermining the sovereignty or capabilities of the brotherly Gulf states, Jordan and Iraq,” saying “the security of the Gulf states is an integral part of Egyptian and Arab national security, and Egypt stands by its brothers in this delicate regional moment.”

Abdelatty also stressed the “utmost importance” of de-escalation, calming tensions and prioritizing diplomacy and dialogue. He underlined the need to ensure freedom of international maritime navigation and voiced “complete rejection of any attempts to obstruct it,” warning such moves would pose a direct threat to regional stability and global trade flows.

Khallaf said Abdelatty also renewed calls to activate Arab national security frameworks and deepen joint cooperation, urging swift practical steps and new mechanisms to safeguard the security and sovereignty of Arab states, including Gulf countries. These steps include accelerating the activation of the Arab League’s 1950 Joint Defense and Economic Cooperation Treaty and forming a joint Arab force.

Abdelatty told a meeting of the Egyptian cabinet on Tuesday that Egypt is currently leading initiatives to establish a joint Arab force to protect Arab national security, according to Cairo News television.

GCC foreign ministers praised what they described as the “principled, strong and supportive positions” of the Egyptian leadership, particularly Cairo’s unequivocal condemnation of attacks targeting Gulf states and its declaration of full solidarity with them at this sensitive moment.

They also commended Egypt’s continued support for the Palestinian cause and its pivotal role in backing Arab issues, strengthening joint Arab action and safeguarding regional security and stability amid current challenges.

Khallaf said the ministers also reviewed institutional ties between Egypt and the GCC, praising the “qualitative leap” in relations since the signing of a memorandum of understanding on political consultations and the adoption of a joint action plan for 2024-2028.

They also highlighted momentum generated by the Egyptian-Gulf Trade and Investment Forum hosted by Cairo last November and discussed efforts to elevate relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership that would strengthen economic, trade and investment cooperation for the mutual benefit of the region’s peoples.


Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
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Is Burhan Heading for a Showdown with Sudan’s Islamists?

A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army
A circulating image shows Yasser al-Atta with the commander of the Islamist al-Baraa bin Malik militia fighting alongside the army

The designation of Sudan’s Islamists as a terrorist entity places the country’s military leadership before difficult and narrowing choices, particularly as these currents are deeply embedded within the ruling system and wield growing influence in decision-making circles, including inside the military itself.

That reality makes any potential confrontation highly risky at a time when Sudan is already facing a fragile and volatile situation on all fronts.

The development raises key questions about what comes next: Could army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan move to curb the Islamists’ influence or remove them from the military? And how might they respond if targeted and the confrontation escalates?

The United States announced last Monday that it had designated the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan a terrorist organization, accusing it of receiving support from Iran. To avoid confusion over the name, the US State Department specified the “Sudanese Islamic Movement” and included its military wing, the al-Baraa bin Malik Corps, citing links to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Since the fall of ousted president Omar al-Bashir after the 2019 popular uprising, Islamists and their dissolved National Congress Party have split into several civilian and military factions. When war erupted in April 2023, they regrouped in new military formations to fight alongside the Sudanese army against the Rapid Support Forces.

Ali Karti, Secretary General of the Sudanese Islamic Movement and a former foreign minister, is accused of acting as the real driver behind the army through Islamist elements within its ranks in a bid to return to power. The army and Burhan have repeatedly denied those accusations.

Some Islamist leaders say the movement has regained influence inside the institutions of the “deep state” and that confronting it would require extensive intelligence and security efforts. They also acknowledge that Islamists have become a heavy burden on the army, while Burhan appears hesitant to take a decisive stance against them.

Sources familiar with the matter say the administration of US President Donald Trump had earlier decided to designate the group but delayed announcing the move to allow time for efforts to secure a ceasefire between the army and the Rapid Support Forces.

Rising regional tensions, particularly the US-Israel confrontation with Iran, and statements by Islamist leaders fighting alongside the army declaring support for Tehran, accelerated the decision.

Those statements reportedly embarrassed Burhan before regional allies, prompting him to deny any official ties between the army and the groups and to vow to be held accountable.

Sources say the designation explicitly linked “Islamist battalions” in Sudan to training and military support from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, potentially making them a target of US policies as the regional conflict widens.

At the same time, activists circulated an old video of Sovereignty Council member and assistant commander-in-chief Yasser al-Atta speaking about six Islamist battalions fighting within the army’s ranks.

Possible scenarios

Circles close to the Islamists expect the movement to “bend with the storm,” avoiding public positions that could trigger direct confrontation with the military authorities, particularly as any battlefield setback could allow the Rapid Support Forces to advance.

Despite that caution, those circles say Islamists remain influential, holding sway within security agencies, intelligence services and military intelligence. Their reach also extends into state institutions, including the judiciary and the public prosecution, making their removal costly and complex.

Opponents of the Islamic Movement say the army may struggle to implement the requirements of the US designation - such as freezing accounts or restricting the movement of leaders - because of the movement’s ideological penetration within the officer corps. That infiltration dates back to the 1970s and persisted for three decades under Bashir’s former “Salvation” government.

In this view, the army could try to navigate the sanctions through political maneuvering and continued cooperation with Islamists to soften their impact. But such an approach may test the international community's patience.

Babiker Faisal, head of the executive office of the Federal Gathering, says the army faces three main choices: deny the presence of Islamists within its institutions, a line Burhan has consistently taken; maneuver between the international community and the Islamists by reassuring both sides; or take a decisive step to exclude them and confront them directly.

Faisal believes Burhan is likely to pursue the maneuvering option, pointing to the Sudanese Foreign Ministry’s silence over the designation while calling instead for the Rapid Support Forces to be labeled a terrorist organization.

But he warns the approach may only buy time. The most significant aspect of the designation, he says, is its direct military link between the Islamic Movement and Iran — an issue that has become a top priority for the US administration.

A direct confrontation, he argues, would be extremely difficult given the Islamists’ grip on key state institutions and security bodies. That could push them to fight to the end in what they would see as an existential battle, especially after the decline of Brotherhood-linked movements in several regional countries.

Civilian forces opposed to the war say all possibilities remain open, including the direct targeting of Islamists, depending on regional developments or giving the army time to distance itself from them gradually.

They argue that excluding the Islamic Movement from any future political process is the shortest path to ending the war and restoring stability in Sudan.