Iraqi Government Ignores Parliamentary Calls for Reverting Currency Devaluation

A general view of cars at the Al-Shurja Market in Baghdad, Iraq April 10, 2019. REUTERS/Khalid al-Mousily
A general view of cars at the Al-Shurja Market in Baghdad, Iraq April 10, 2019. REUTERS/Khalid al-Mousily
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Iraqi Government Ignores Parliamentary Calls for Reverting Currency Devaluation

A general view of cars at the Al-Shurja Market in Baghdad, Iraq April 10, 2019. REUTERS/Khalid al-Mousily
A general view of cars at the Al-Shurja Market in Baghdad, Iraq April 10, 2019. REUTERS/Khalid al-Mousily

The Iraqi government announced that it is not compelled to heed parliamentary calls for reverting the national currency devaluation adopted by the Central Bank of Iraq three months ago.

Dozens of Iraqi lawmakers have started collecting signatures for a petition to restore the currency to its exchange rate of 1,200 dinars per dollar.

While the government, economists and financial experts have defended increasing the exchange rate to 1,450 dinars per dollar as part of a national reform plan, lawmakers are arguing that the move has weighed heavily on the country’s poor.

Opportunist merchants have taken advantage of the devaluation and skyrocketed the prices of basic commodities.

For that reason, lawmakers are accusing the government of failure in implementing effective policies that protect the economically destitute and regulate prices at markets.

Nevertheless, the Iraqi government is sticking to its decision and maintaining that the central bank, not parliament, has exclusive authority over the national currency’s valuation.

Iraqi Culture Minister Hasan Nazim, in an official statement on Monday, acknowledged that parliament can change the dinar’s valuation, but also said the government will not be bound by the modification.

“It is up to parliament to approve or amend the budget,” said Nazim, adding that the government has fulfilled its part concerning the general financial plan.

“The government can help facilitate matters, offer explanations and engage in negotiations regarding some issues in question,” he noted.

The Iraqi parliament has, on four different occasions, failed to pass the budget for 2021.

At first, dispute with the Kurdistan Region blocked passing the financial plan. Now, dozens of parliamentarians from different political blocs set restoring the dollar exchange rate to 1,200 dinars as a condition for passing the budget.



Sweida Clashes Renew Debate Over Tribal Alliances and Kurdish Forces in Syria

Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 
Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 
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Sweida Clashes Renew Debate Over Tribal Alliances and Kurdish Forces in Syria

Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 
Fighters from the Bedouin clans in the city of Sweida on Saturday (AFP) 

The recent violent clashes in Sweida between local Druze factions and pro-government Bedouin tribes have reignited concerns over the stability of tribal alliances across Syria. As Arab tribes rallied to support the Bedouins, speculation mounted that a similar tribal uprising could erupt in eastern and northern Syria, where US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) maintain a stronghold.

The fear of a broader tribal insurgency grew after thousands of tribal fighters reportedly mobilized toward the Sweida front from provinces such as Aleppo, Deir ez-Zor, and Raqqa, areas that remain divided between the SDF, a Kurdish-Arab coalition, and the Syrian government.

However, Sheikh Maan Hamidi Daham al-Jarba, head of the Shammar tribe, dismissed the possibility of the Sweida scenario repeating itself in northeastern Syria.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he praised the SDF and its commander, General Mazloum Abdi, for achieving what he called “historic political balances and understandings” during a highly sensitive phase. The Shammar’s military wing, the Sanadid Forces - numbering between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters - have been key SDF partners since 2013, operating primarily along Syria’s eastern border with Iraq.

The SDF, established in 2015, introduced itself as a unified national military force representing Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, and other communities in Syria. Earlier this year, its commander, Abdi, signed a landmark agreement with Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa to integrate the SDF and its civilian administration into the Ministry of Defense and national institutions by the end of 2025.

Bedir Mulla Rashid, a Kurdish affairs analyst at the Raman Center for Research, noted that the SDF’s power base has long rested on alliances with Arab tribal councils. While he acknowledged that the Sweida events could shake dynamics in the northeast, he ruled out an imminent tribal uprising. He emphasized ongoing US efforts to stabilize the region, partial sanctions relief, and a peace process between Türkiye and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), as factors discouraging escalation.

“There is no equivalent to the Sweida factions in the northeast,” Rashid said. “Nor is there a regional power willing to fuel a confrontation with the SDF, especially as Türkiye is currently focused on internal reconciliation with the Kurds.”

In regions like al-Jazira and the Euphrates, tribal divisions have deepened over the course of Syria’s conflict. Last summer, tribal infighting erupted in deadly clashes. Yet, figures like Akram Mahshoush al-Zoubaa, head of the Elders Council within the Autonomous Administration and adviser to the Jabour tribe, remain adamant that the recent unrest should not be viewed as a model for the east.

“These movements do not reflect the values of Arab tribes,” al-Zoubaa said. “The SDF represents all components of society, despite ongoing efforts by various actors to sow division.”