Saif al-Islam Gaddafi’s Political Return Worries Opponents

 Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, attends a hearing behind bars in a courtroom in Zintan May 25, 2014. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, attends a hearing behind bars in a courtroom in Zintan May 25, 2014. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
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Saif al-Islam Gaddafi’s Political Return Worries Opponents

 Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, attends a hearing behind bars in a courtroom in Zintan May 25, 2014. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, attends a hearing behind bars in a courtroom in Zintan May 25, 2014. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo

Recent reports in Libya are claiming that the son of late Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, Saif al-Islam, will soon address the Libyan people in a speech to announce his his position on the upcoming Dec. 24 elections.

It is not entirely clear whether Gaddafi is actually considering running for the presidency, or if he only intends to support candidates in the parliamentary elections.

However, his return to politics, whether crowned with success or met with failure at the polls, will be an achievement for Gaddafi, who had been for years the expected successor to his father. But since the fall of the regime ten years ago, he has been either chased, imprisoned, or completely cut off from the public life.

Gaddafi was not, in fact, the only candidate to succeed his father. But the many roles he assumed over the years suggested that he was the first and favorite candidate among the colonel’s sons.

Gaddafi’s eldest son from his second wife, Safia Farkash, played a key role in the 1990s in settling Libya’s foreign issues, pertaining to actions attributed to his father’s regime, such as the bombing of civilian planes (Pan American and UTA) and nightclubs (La Belle in Berlin), and many others.

Gaddafi did not only deal with foreign affairs, but also played key roles in improving the image of his father’s regime inside the country by launching the Libya of Tomorrow project, and initiating reconciliation with the Islamists, his father’s staunch opponents

He was hence accepted at the internal and external levels for the succession of the colonel, whenever the latter chose to move away from power. But the uprising of Feb. 17, 2011 came to destroy, not only the succession project, but the entire Libyan authority. The head of the regime and his son, Mutassim, were killed after their capture in their hometown of Sirte in Oct. 2011.

Khamis Gaddafi, another son of the colonel, who led fierce battles in the west of the country, was also killed in an air strike along with his relative, the son of former intelligence chief Abdullah Senussi, near the city of Tarhuna.

Muammar Gaddafi had earlier lost his son, Saif al-Arab, who was not involved in politics, in an air strike that targeted a family home in Tripoli (the raid was likely targeting the hiding place of the colonel).

Saif al-Islam himself almost met the fate of his brothers. He miraculously survived a raid targeting his convoy in Bani Walid, south of Tripoli, where he lost fingers on his right hand. He was arrested by the Zintan brigades in Nov. 2011, after he fled to Ubari in the south of the country.

Amid clear preparations for Gaddafi’s return to the political scene, alleged opinion polls distributed by his supporters put him at the forefront of the contestants in the presidential elections, which are expected to take place in December.

However, serious questions are raised about the legality of such move. Saif al-Islam Gaddafi is wanted by the International Criminal Court in The Hague since 2011, on several charges, including allegations that he tried to bring in mercenaries to defend his father’s regime during the revolution.

In addition, the Court of Appeal in Tripoli issued a death sentence against him in 2015. The judgment was issued in absentia at the time, as he was being held in Zintan.

Gaddafi was released by his captors in 2017. Since then, he has not made any public appearance, except in an interview with the New York Times earlier this year.

Many Libyan parties say that they are in contact with him. His supporters participated in the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum, which produced the new Libyan interim authority (the government of Abdul Hamid al-Dbeibeh and the Presidential Council, headed by Muhammad al-Menfi).

If he runs in the upcoming elections, he is expected to obtain good results within the tribes and cities that used to support his father’s regime and fought with him in the 2011 revolution.

He is also believed to enjoy undeclared Russian support, knowing that the Tripoli government had for years arrested two people it accused of being Russian agents, who were in contact with Gaddafi’s son.

The relationship is somewhat vague between Saif al-Islam and the commander of the Libyan National Army, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar - who may see Gaddafi’s son as an unwelcome competitor.

Saif al-Islam is also likely to face tension with the Islamists who dominate western Libya. In fact, at the beginning of the new millennium, he had an important role in releasing hundreds of Islamists, who were imprisoned by his father. But those turned against him, joining the revolution in 2011. Gaddafi’s candidacy and victory in the elections could raise their fears of a possible retaliation.



Hezbollah Signals Possible Return to 1980s 'Tactics' Against Israeli Army

Israeli military vehicles maneuver on the Lebanese side of the border, as seen from the Upper Galilee in northern Israel, 29 April 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon.  EPA/ATEF SAFADI
Israeli military vehicles maneuver on the Lebanese side of the border, as seen from the Upper Galilee in northern Israel, 29 April 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon. EPA/ATEF SAFADI
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Hezbollah Signals Possible Return to 1980s 'Tactics' Against Israeli Army

Israeli military vehicles maneuver on the Lebanese side of the border, as seen from the Upper Galilee in northern Israel, 29 April 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon.  EPA/ATEF SAFADI
Israeli military vehicles maneuver on the Lebanese side of the border, as seen from the Upper Galilee in northern Israel, 29 April 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon. EPA/ATEF SAFADI

Overlapping media leaks from within Hezbollah on activating “martyrdom fighters” (suicide operatives) have raised questions about the next phase on the southern front, amid talk of non-traditional combat options that echo the warfare of the 1980s.

Media leaks citing military sources within Hezbollah said the group is studying a return to “1980s tactics,” including activating what it described as “martyrdom units.”

The issue gains additional weight in light of prior rhetoric within the group. Former Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah described fighters in the south during the 2024 “support war” as “martyrdom fighters,” reflecting the nature of the fighting and battlefield conditions.

The renewed use of the term raises questions over whether it is mobilizing rhetoric or an indication of potential operational choices.

Environmental Constraints and Technological Shift

Retired Brigadier General Yarub Sakhr told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the field reality in southern Lebanon makes talk of a return to suicide operations closer to a theoretical proposition than a practical option.”

He added: “The south today is largely depopulated due to displacement and destruction, which strips this type of operation of one of its key elements, namely the ability to conceal within a civilian environment.”

“Technological advances in surveillance and reconnaissance, along with Israel’s extensive target bank, make carrying out such operations extremely difficult, if not impossible, under constant monitoring and precise tracking, in addition to the difficulty of movement and field access.”

He noted that “signaling the existence of such operations along the border with Israel is used in a propaganda context,” adding that “the real message goes beyond the military dimension to the Lebanese domestic arena, where this rhetoric is employed as a pressure tool on officials and political forces to push them toward certain foreign policy choices.”

According to Sakhr invoking the 1980s approach does not stop at suicide operations but also recalls a broader pattern that included kidnappings and assassinations.

He affirmed that the comparison between the current situation in the south and that of the 1980s is not accurate, stressing that “talk of a return to this mode of warfare remains within the realm of slogans and political pressure rather than a viable military option under current conditions.”

Between Theory and Application

By contrast, retired Brigadier General Fadi Daoud told Asharq Al-Awsat: “Talk of reviving 1980s methods is not merely media rhetoric, but reflects that this option exists within the party’s available capabilities.”

He said references to suicide operatives ready to act “fall within the human capabilities that have long been one of the party’s strengths.”

“These operations, despite major technological advances in surveillance and monitoring, can still have battlefield impact, because technology remains limited in effectiveness against a human element determined to reach its target.”

Daoud said the effectiveness of such operations “depends on the nature of the target, the level of surrounding security protection, and field measures around sites and facilities,” noting that “the chances of success vary from case to case based on these factors.”

He said any potential use of such capabilities would remain directed at Israeli targets, adding that carrying out such operations inside Israel would require infiltration and direct access to the target, which faces major field challenges and makes success rates uneven.

“Merely signaling this option carries psychological and strategic weight, recalling past experiences in the Israeli memory and sending a message that any settlement that does not take balances into account could lead to escalation outside conventional frameworks.”

Operational Meaning of the Term

A source following Hezbollah’s operations told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the use of the term ‘martyrdom fighters’ does not necessarily mean a return to traditional suicide operations, but reflects the nature of the current battlefield phase under the siege imposed on areas in southern Lebanon.”

He added: “Fighters are fully aware of the scale of risks surrounding them and deal with them on the basis of fighting to the utmost limits.”

The source noted: “What is meant by the term is readiness for engagement under the most difficult battlefield conditions, and continuing the confrontation until death if imposed, not as a separate tactical option but as part of the nature of the battle itself.”


Lebanese Defense Minister: Talks With Israel Aimed at Peace, Not Surrender or Trade-Offs

Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)
Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)
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Lebanese Defense Minister: Talks With Israel Aimed at Peace, Not Surrender or Trade-Offs

Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)
Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)

Lebanon’s Defense Minister, Major General Michel Menassa, said on Thursday that his country had entered negotiations for peace, not for surrender or trade-offs.

The state-run National News Agency quoted Menassa as saying, during a meeting with Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Sami Abi al-Muna in Verdun: “We discussed the Israeli aggression against our country and the ongoing efforts to stop it. Preserving national unity, rallying around Lebanese legitimacy, and ensuring that arms remain exclusively in the hands of the Lebanese army and official security agencies were our shared priorities. Helping our people overcome this ordeal has been our concern, and rising above narrow calculations in favor of major national objectives will remain our goal.”

He added: “If we are heading to negotiations, they are for peace, not for surrender. We are going to negotiate, not to trade off. We want to stop the rivers of blood in honor of the martyrs, and we, as Lebanese, Muslims and Christians, insist on remaining united.”

He expressed hope that “this ordeal will end, that this cloud will pass, and that the light of deliverance will rise over Lebanon and its people.”

For his part, the Druze spiritual leader stressed “the duty to rally around the state and its legitimate institutions, foremost among them the military establishment, especially under the current circumstances, in support of carrying out its assigned tasks in protecting Lebanon and its sovereignty,” warning against any “attempts to undermine civil peace,” and saying that “a strong Lebanon is a united Lebanon.”


Media Organizations Call on Israel to Allow Foreign Reporters Independent Access to Gaza

FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)
FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)
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Media Organizations Call on Israel to Allow Foreign Reporters Independent Access to Gaza

FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)
FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)

The leaders of major media companies around the world, including The Associated Press, are calling on Israel's government to lift a ban keeping foreign journalists from being able to independently enter and report from Gaza, a barrier that's been in place since the war's start in 2023 and continues even as a ceasefire has been in place for more than six months.

“Being on the ground is essential. It allows journalists to question official accounts on all sides, to speak directly with civilians and report back what they witness firsthand,” said the statement from the executives, released Thursday. “That is why news organizations send their reporters into the field, often at great personal risk.”

From the AP and the BBC to CNN to MS NOW, from Reuters to German news agency dpa to The Washington Post, the top editors of more than two dozen organizations said the Israeli government has so far not responded to their efforts to discuss the situation. They questioned the country's rationales for why the restrictions are still in place.

The letter was released at 5 a.m. ET by the local foreign press association.

Israel had said ban was necessary Initially, Israel said the ban was necessary because foreign journalists allowed into Gaza could give away the positions of Israeli soldiers and endanger them. Other rationales have included that as an active battle zone, it was too dangerous. The army has occasionally brought foreign reporters in on highly controlled trips, but media outlets want independent access.

Currently, “the heaviest fighting is over and there is a ceasefire in place," the editors' statement said. "The hostages have come home. Journalists do not pose a threat to Israeli troops. There is a mechanism in place—however restrictive—that allows aid workers to enter and exit the territory. Why not journalists?”

There have been attempts at legal action to force the issue. The Foreign Press Association, which represents international media in Israel, Gaza and the West Bank, has been waiting on a decision from the Israeli Supreme Court on a petition for independent access to Gaza. That action was filed in 2024, but a ruling has been repeatedly delayed, most recently in January.

With foreign journalists kept out of Gaza, coverage of the conditions on the ground there has been possible only for local Palestinian journalists. While covering war would be fraught for any reporter, the Palestinian correspondents have also had to experience it on a personal level — their homes destroyed, their loved ones killed.

When access to food became severely restricted last year they also had to deal with hunger, to the point that the Agence France-Presse news agency in July raised an alarm about their Palestinian colleagues' continued survival. That concern was echoed by the AP and Reuters for the reporters in Gaza they work with.

The editors raised that point in the statement Thursday, saying “this has pushed the responsibility for covering this devastating war and its aftermath almost entirely on our Palestinian colleagues ... They should not have to shoulder this burden alone, and they should be protected.”

Their lives have also been put at risk from military actions. Well over 200 journalists and media workers have been killed according to a tally from the Committee to Protect Journalists organization, far more than in conflicts elsewhere like the Russia-Ukraine war.

Among them was Mariam Dagga, a 33-year-old visual journalist who worked as a freelancer for the AP and other news organizations. She and four other journalists, including Reuters cameraman Hussam al-Masri and Moaz Abu Taha, a freelance journalist who worked with Reuters, were among those killed last August in an Israeli strike on a medical facility.

The AP's reporting on the strike raised questions about the rationale used by the Israeli government to carry out the action against the hospital, which was known as a place where journalists gathered. AP and Reuters later issued a statement calling on Israel to explain what took place and what steps would be taken to protect reporters. The Israeli military says it is still investigating.

The statement from the editors on Thursday came during Press Freedom Week, which they noted. “Freedom of the press is a basic value in any open society. It is time for the delays to end. Let us into Gaza.”