Israel Seeks to Convince US to Open Consulate in Ramallah

US Consulate in Jerusalem 2018 (Getty Images)
US Consulate in Jerusalem 2018 (Getty Images)
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Israel Seeks to Convince US to Open Consulate in Ramallah

US Consulate in Jerusalem 2018 (Getty Images)
US Consulate in Jerusalem 2018 (Getty Images)

The Israeli government and the US administration are discussing President Joe Biden's decision to reopen the US Consulate in Jerusalem to manage the affairs of the Palestinian people, political sources in Tel Aviv said.

The two sides are seeking to settle the issue through a compromise.

Unnamed sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that among the proposals put forward by Israeli parties was establishing a US consulate in the Palestinian Authority (PA) areas in Ramallah or in areas around East Jerusalem such as Abu Dis.

The sources said that Prime Minister Naftali Bennett directs these discussions in Israel, not Yair Lapid, the alternate prime minister and foreign minister.

Lapid told his US counterpart, Anthony Blinken, that Israel rejects opening a consulate in Jerusalem because it embarrasses the government after the recognition of Jerusalem as the unified capital of Israel.

The US agreed to postpone the opening of the consulate until the Knesset meets on November 7 to approve Israel’s budget in order to ensure the government's political stability.

The US ambassador to Israel Thomas Nides will work from the embassy's headquarters in Tel Aviv and West Jerusalem.

The US plan also includes reopening the East Jerusalem branch of the consulate, which operated until 2010.

A political source in Ramallah stated that officials in Washington and in the office of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas are discussing the matter, noting that the authority does not mind establishing this branch, provided that the consulate is also reopened in Jerusalem.

However, Bennett objects to this, noting that opening the consulate will establish two US diplomatic entities in the capital of Israel: the embassy dealing with Israeli affairs within the Green Line, and the consulate that will act as an embassy and handle Palestinians' issues in the east of the city, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and settlements in the West Bank.

Bennett's sources believe the move could "divide Jerusalem," noting that the Palestinians understand it that way.

They quote Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh, who said recently that "the US administration’s message is that Jerusalem is not a united Israeli city and that the administration does not recognize the annexation of Arab Jerusalem to the Israeli side."

"We would like the American consulate to lay the foundation for a future American embassy in a Palestinian state,” Shtayyeh said.

Israel is concerned that the US administration will make a unilateral decision and take the necessary measures to reopen the consulate.

Former Foreign Ministry director-general Dore Gold, currently the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs president, believes that Israel should put things on the table and clarify to Washington very openly what it can and can't do.

"If we are very clear about our real maneuvering space, the Americans will respect that," he stated.

Gold was asked about the US claims that the consulate existed for decades without Israel making any request for it to be closed.

He indicated that Israel judges the existing reality claiming the PA didn't exist for decades, and now it does.

“For 19 years, Jerusalem was divided with fences and a border, but for 54 years, it has been an undivided city, '' he said.

"If they had opened a consulate in Ramallah, I wouldn't have been enthusiastic, but I would have understood it. If they had opened a consulate after the Palestinian authorities stopped paying salaries to the families of terrorists, I still wouldn't have accepted a consulate in Jerusalem, but I would have understood the demand. But the Palestinians haven't changed their behavior, and they are receiving a reward," said Gold.



Kurdish Silence over Negotiations Paves Way for Conflict in Syria

Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
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Kurdish Silence over Negotiations Paves Way for Conflict in Syria

Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are facing limited options as they grapple with increasing pressure from Türkiye and Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) to disarm and transition into a political entity.
At the same time, the SDF is dealing with tensions involving rival Kurdish factions, raising fears of a potential escalation into armed conflict. Clashes are already threatening a fragile ceasefire in northeastern Syria.
Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, the balance of power in Syria has shifted significantly. Today, the SDF is facing an existential threat, despite US efforts to buy time and mediate agreements between the SDF and other actors in Syria.
Interviews conducted by Asharq Al-Awsat reveal that the SDF has so far failed to establish a negotiation channel with HTS or its leader, Ahmad al-Sharaa, who now heads the transitional government in Damascus.
Recently, SDF envoys were sent to Damascus in an attempt to hold meetings with members of the transitional government, but they were unsuccessful. These efforts have led the SDF to the conclusion that HTS has become the “de facto authority” in Syria.
A source involved in the transitional process told Asharq Al-Awsat that communication between the SDF and HTS was abruptly halted following the visit of Ibrahim Kalin, Türkiye’s intelligence chief, to Damascus on December 12, 2024. Before this, the contact between the two parties was reportedly exploratory in nature.
Sources close to the SDF believe that Ankara pressured the transitional government in Damascus to avoid engaging with the Kurdish faction, likely anticipating a policy shift when Donald Trump assumes the US presidency in January 2025. Türkiye appears determined to block the Biden administration’s attempts to normalize the SDF’s status, assuming that Trump will prioritize regional players—particularly Türkiye—in Syria.
A member of the Syrian transitional government confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that a short-term ceasefire was recently agreed upon between the SDF and other conflicting parties in areas such as Manbij, Kobani, and others. However, he warned that the situation remains precarious, with fears that fighting could erupt at any moment. He added that HTS is seeking to disarm the SDF peacefully, noting that HTS itself is expected to lay down its weapons within the next two months as part of ongoing arrangements to form a unified Syrian army. The source emphasized that the SDF must follow suit.
Syrian activists warn that the issue of disarmament is likely to become a major flashpoint in Syria, not only with the SDF but also with other factions reluctant to surrender their weapons to either HTS or the still-forming Syrian state.
Clashes of varying intensity have already been reported in areas of contact between the SDF and the Turkish-backed National Army. Field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that skirmishes have occurred in Manbij, near the Tishrin Dam, in Tall Tamr, and at various points along the M4 highway.
Ankara has increased its pressure on the SDF to disarm. On December 19, the Turkish Ministry of Defense reiterated its commitment to “taking measures to force terrorist organizations to lay down their weapons.”
Members of the SDF fear that the current escalation, coupled with the absence of political dialogue with the new Damascus government, could lead to major clashes, particularly in Kobani. Kurdish sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the SDF is willing to make concessions to Türkiye, such as maintaining only its internal security forces, known as Asayish, in Kobani.
In northeastern Syria, two key international players are actively involved: France and the United States. France is working to unify Kurdish factions under a proposed framework, while the US is focused on extending the fragile ceasefire until a regional agreement can determine the SDF’s role in the new political order.
An earlier US-brokered agreement allowed the SDF to retain positions east of the Euphrates while ceding areas west of the river to Arab tribes. However, reports suggest that the SDF has withdrawn from some areas due to pressure from Arab tribes.
French delegations have visited SDF-controlled areas to encourage Kurdish factions to draft a unified agreement. On December 18, representatives from the SDF, the Kurdish National Council (KNC), and self-described “independent” Kurdish groups met to negotiate. However, according to sources in Hasakah, Qamishli, and Erbil (in Iraqi Kurdistan), the meeting failed to yield an initial agreement.
Kurdish activists have proposed three key measures for aligning the SDF with the new phase in Syria: renaming the SDF as a military force under the new Ministry of Defense, severing ties with Qandil (northern Iraq) and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and repatriating non-Syrian Kurdish fighters to their home countries.
However, the SDF reportedly opposes these conditions, preferring to negotiate directly with Türkiye or HTS rather than make concessions to other Kurdish factions within Syria. This stance could lead to internal conflicts over which group will represent Kurdish interests in the evolving Syrian political landscape.
When asked by Asharq Al-Awsat about potential dialogues with the KNC or their proposals, SDF spokesperson Farhad Shami declined to comment.
Members of the factions now in power in Damascus suggest that the SDF’s challenges extend beyond disarmament. One issue is its prior alignment with the ousted Assad regime, which undermines its position in the transitional phase.
A senior Kurdish official in Iraq, speaking anonymously, noted that the SDF’s options have significantly diminished following the withdrawal of Shiite factions and the defection of Arab allies from its ranks. These developments have reduced the SDF’s territorial control.
The official argued that while the SDF continues to rely on US support, Türkiye has become the dominant player in the Syrian arena. Many Kurds fear that escalating tensions in northeastern Syria could result in infighting among Kurdish groups, particularly as they struggle to find a unified approach.
Although Ankara appears poised to make further moves into Kurdish areas, such actions would likely provoke a direct challenge to US interests in the region.