Features of Houthi Sectarian Abuse, Displacement of Minorities

FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
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Features of Houthi Sectarian Abuse, Displacement of Minorities

FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah

The Houthi militia’s hostility towards other sects and religions in Yemen dates back to before the Iran-backed group staged a nationwide coup. It expelled all Jewish community members in Saada governorate a year and a half after declaring its rebellion against the central authority in mid-2004.

The contentious Houthi policy had spread to affect the Salafist movement, whereby Houthis targeted their education centers in the Dammaj area and forcibly displaced faith group members in a campaign reminiscent of the imam’s rule in Yemen.

Houthis later expelled the rest of the followers of the Jewish religion, the followers of the Baha’i religion and Christianity, to begin the stage of doctrinal change in Yemen through altering school curricula, changing mosques and overtaking public media.

By the end of 2020, the Houthi militia had completed the expulsion of all adherents of the Jewish religion from Yemen, a religion that had existed in the country for millennia.

Reports have said that the very last Jews in Yemen were forced to flee the country in exchange for the release of Levi Salem Marhabi, a Jewish man who has been imprisoned by the Houthis since 2016. But Marhabi remains imprisoned despite a Houthi court exonerating him.

It was also confirmed that a group of Yemeni Christians, including Reverend Mushir al-Khalidi, had been deported after several months of detention.

Moreover, clerics from the Baha’i religion, which had been practiced in Yemen since the 1940s, were also deported.

According to a report released by ACAPS, from 2015, Houthis have been gradually enforcing policies linked to suppressing the religious practices of some Islamic sects. Reports on such incidences increased between July–September 2021.

The Houthis are repressing the population in two different ways:

1) imposing generic religious norms including taxes and celebrations.

2) suppressing non-Zaydi practice (such as the weddings, Salafi centers, and Tarawih prayer which is conducted during Ramadan).

There’s a mixture of ideological and pragmatic intentions behind this such as:

- Increasing revenue by collecting Zakat and taxing religious celebrations.

- Encouraging people to join the frontlines through sermons and other religious messaging, thereby increasing the number of fighters

- Emphasizing that ‘true believers’ are those from the Zaydi school of thought (implying that those unaffiliated are infidels) to increase supporters for Zaydi Islam and hence the Houthis.

There are deliberate attempts to create division among people from different Islamic sects. Incidents related to religion reported between July–September built on previous incidents related to tax collection, music suppression, the closure of Salafi mosques, the replacement of Sunni imams who didn’t reinforce Houthi policies, and making changes on the school curriculum, especially with regard to history and Islamic and social studies.

Sanaa residents told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthis replaced mosques' imams who refused to abide by the group's policies. They also altered some of the Quran verses in their curriculum to teach and encourage violence instead of coexistence.



Egyptian Sailors’ Hostage Crisis in Somalia Deepens

An armed pirate takes part in the hijacking of a vessel off Somalia’s coast (File photo: Reuters) 
An armed pirate takes part in the hijacking of a vessel off Somalia’s coast (File photo: Reuters) 
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Egyptian Sailors’ Hostage Crisis in Somalia Deepens

An armed pirate takes part in the hijacking of a vessel off Somalia’s coast (File photo: Reuters) 
An armed pirate takes part in the hijacking of a vessel off Somalia’s coast (File photo: Reuters) 

The crisis involving Egyptian sailors held aboard the oil tanker M/T Eureka has taken a more complicated turn after Somali pirates who seized the vessel off Yemen’s coast last month reportedly raised their ransom demand from $2 million to $3 million in exchange for the crew’s release.

More than 45 days have passed without any clear indication of a breakthrough since the tanker was hijacked on May 2 near Yemen’s Shabwa governorate. The vessel was then sailed through the Gulf of Aden to the Somali coast. The crew comprises 12 sailors, including eight Egyptians and four Indians.

According to a statement issued Wednesday by the sailors’ families, negotiations had previously made progress, resulting in an agreement between the shipowner and cargo owner on one side and the pirates on the other to pay a ransom for the hostages’ release. However, delays in transferring the agreed sum prompted the captors to threaten to scrap the deal and increase their demands.

Negotiations Hit Obstacles

Captain El-Sayed El-Shazly, head of Egypt’s Maritime Officers Syndicate, said efforts to secure the sailors’ release had recently encountered setbacks. He indicated that the pirates raised their demand to $3 million after an earlier agreement with the vessel’s owner on a $2 million payment.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, El-Shazly said Egypt’s Foreign Ministry and Maritime Safety Authority had undertaken contacts and diplomatic efforts at various levels to support negotiations. He categorically ruled out military intervention, warning that any rescue operation would entail serious risks to the hostages’ lives and safety.

With release talks stalled, relatives fear the crisis could become even more difficult to resolve. In their statement, the families warned that continued delays would “further complicate the situation and squander the strenuous efforts” undertaken by the authorities, urging the swift implementation of proposed solutions.

The families said the sailors have endured “45 days of pain, anxiety and anticipation” under difficult humanitarian conditions, including shortages of drinking water and adequate food. They have also launched a social media solidarity campaign under several hashtags, most notably “Save the Sailors.”

Amira Abu Saada, the wife of detained sailor Mohamed Radi El-Mahsab, described the ordeal as increasingly difficult as uncertainty surrounding the hostages’ fate drags on.

“Intermittent phone calls were our only source of reassurance,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat, noting that such contacts have become increasingly rare. The last call she received from her husband came on the second day of Eid al-Adha, more than three weeks ago.

Safety Questions Resurface

Since the hijacking in early May, Egypt’s Foreign Ministry has said it has been closely following the case through coordination with the Egyptian embassy in Mogadishu and contacts with Somali authorities aimed at ensuring the sailors’ safety and securing their release as quickly as possible.

The continued complications surrounding the case have revived debate over safety procedures and regulations governing Egyptian sailors working aboard foreign vessels.

“The incident underscores the need for a serious discussion about regulating the employment of Egyptian sailors abroad,” El-Shazly said. He called for stricter standards governing service on foreign ships, particularly vessels facing questions over safety compliance and operating conditions.

For years, piracy off the Horn of Africa posed a major threat to international shipping. Attacks peaked in 2008 and continued for years, disrupting one of the world’s most important maritime trade corridors. After declining significantly in recent years, piracy incidents have resurfaced since late 2023 amid growing regional security tensions and rising risks to global shipping routes.

 

 


Israeli Military Strikes Southern Lebanon in Intense Fighting, At Least 16 Dead

Buildings damaged by Israeli strikes are seen through shattered glass from the Jabal Amel Hospital in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Thursday, June 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Buildings damaged by Israeli strikes are seen through shattered glass from the Jabal Amel Hospital in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Thursday, June 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
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Israeli Military Strikes Southern Lebanon in Intense Fighting, At Least 16 Dead

Buildings damaged by Israeli strikes are seen through shattered glass from the Jabal Amel Hospital in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Thursday, June 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Buildings damaged by Israeli strikes are seen through shattered glass from the Jabal Amel Hospital in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Thursday, June 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

Israel’s military said Friday its forces struck targets throughout southern Lebanon overnight as Hezbollah reported intense fighting in the area, threatening the nascent agreement between Iran and the United States to end their war.

"During the night, the army struck and continues to strike Hezbollah terrorists and infrastructure in several areas in southern Lebanon," the Israeli military said in a statement.

Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency reported at least 16 people were killed in Israeli airstrikes.

Israeli military vehicles and an Israeli flag, seen in a village inside south Lebanon close to the border as seen from northern Israel, June 18, 2026. REUTERS/Gil Eliyahu

 

Hezbollah said its fighters had targeted "three Merkava tanks with guided missiles, which led to their destruction.”

The group said Israeli forces "consisting of an armored platoon and an infantry platoon (tried) to infiltrate towards the northern side of the Ali al-Taher hills" -- a strategic site overlooking the key town of Nabatieh.

"The clashes are still ongoing," Hezbollah said in the statement released in the early hours of Friday.

Continued fighting in Lebanon could unravel the newly signed deal, which calls for an immediate halt to military operations “on all fronts, including in Lebanon,” where Israel has been battling Hezbollah, and for ensuring Lebanon’s “territorial integrity and sovereignty.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has refused to withdraw, saying Israeli forces will remain in Lebanon until the threat from Hezbollah has been eliminated.

The attacks came as planned talks in Switzerland between Iran and the United States over their efforts to reach a permanent end to the Iran war were delayed.

US Vice President JD Vance on Thursday put off his trip to Switzerland where he had been set to lead the talks.

The White House blamed logistical issues.

US President Donald Trump signed the initial pact with Iran on Wednesday while dining with French President Emmanuel Macron at the Palace of Versailles, which took immediate effect.

In comments following the signing, Vance offered a blunt warning to Israel, saying Trump was “the only head of state in the entire world who is sympathetic to the nation of Israel at this moment in time.”

 


Field Escalation in Lebanon as Israel Seeks to Entrench Security Belt Ahead of Washington Talks

A map released by the Israeli army showing what it calls a “security zone” in south Lebanon. (Reuters)
A map released by the Israeli army showing what it calls a “security zone” in south Lebanon. (Reuters)
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Field Escalation in Lebanon as Israel Seeks to Entrench Security Belt Ahead of Washington Talks

A map released by the Israeli army showing what it calls a “security zone” in south Lebanon. (Reuters)
A map released by the Israeli army showing what it calls a “security zone” in south Lebanon. (Reuters)

The map published by the Israeli army showing the areas where its forces are deployed in south Lebanon has raised questions about the implications of the US-Iranian agreement, as military operations continue and the issues of withdrawal and redeployment remain tied to anticipated Lebanese-Israeli negotiations in Washington.

While Israel speaks of a “security zone” inside Lebanese territory, Israeli army spokesman Avichay Adraee said Israeli forces are deployed “based on operational necessity” within an area extending roughly 10 kilometers into Lebanon, with the aim of removing what he described as threats and improving the defense of residents in northern Israel.

On the ground, two people were killed and another wounded in an Israeli drone strike that targeted a vehicle at the Kfar Tebnit roundabout. Drones also struck Hadatha without causing casualties, while another drone dropped a bomb on Beit Yahoun, wounding two people. An Israeli drone also dropped a stun grenade on a family inside a house in Nabatieh al-Fawqa near the teachers’ college.

Artillery shelling struck the outskirts of Nabatieh al-Fawqa, while the Israeli army carried out bulldozing operations in Khiam.

As Lebanese army troops and members of the Al-Risala Health Emergency Association entered Hadatha, Israeli forces opened fire toward civilians and Lebanese soldiers in the town. Villages in the eastern sector and the Marjayoun district remained relatively calm compared with other parts of southern Lebanon.

A field source in south Lebanon told Asharq Al-Awsat that the map “effectively reflects an attempt to impose a new reality on the ground following the US-Iranian understanding by treating vast areas of south Lebanon as zones under Israeli security and military control.”

The source said the boundaries shown on the map extend beyond what is known in some places as the “Yellow Line” and include areas where the Israeli army was unable to establish a permanent presence during the war, such as Ali al-Taher Hill and the southeastern outskirts of Hadatha.

The source noted that the Lebanese army is deployed inside Hadatha itself, while Israeli forces continue attempting to advance toward the surrounding high ground.

According to the source, “including these areas on the Israeli map has heightened residents’ fears and slowed the return of displaced people to Nabatieh and its surroundings.”

The concern, the source added, extends beyond Nabatieh city to include Dweir, Jibshit, Harouf, Zebdine, Mifadoun, Shoukine, Kfar Tebnit and Nabatieh al-Fawqa. These areas still lack basic living conditions, while near-daily artillery shelling continues, prompting many residents to delay their return.

The source said, “The boundaries Israel is drawing today closely resemble those that existed before its withdrawal from south Lebanon in 2000, stretching from the western sector through the central sector and into large parts of the eastern sector toward Khiam.”

Israel did not include in its current map some areas it previously occupied as far as the outskirts of Jezzine, the source said. In practice, however, it has treated the entire western and central sectors, together with the highlands extending east of Nabatieh toward the Marjayoun-Khiam axis, as falling within its security sphere of control.

The source said the most significant outcome of the period following the US-Iranian understanding has been Israel’s effort to draw what it described as “occupation boundaries” and establish them as a fait accompli on the ground by effectively turning these areas into an undeclared security belt.

According to the source, the line Israel is seeking to consolidate runs through the central sector along the Bint Jbeil and Wadi al-Salouqi axes, reaching Hadatha, Baraachit and Beit Yahoun.

Although Israeli forces are not physically deployed inside these towns, the source said they are treated as part of an advanced security zone and a new line of contact in south Lebanon.

No Signs of Israeli Withdrawal

Retired Brig. Gen. Bassam Yassin told Asharq Al-Awsat that the US-Iranian agreement has not yet translated into any tangible changes on the ground in south Lebanon.

The situation on the ground, he said, still reflects continued Israeli deployment in the areas under its control, while issues related to withdrawal and post-war arrangements remain under discussion in negotiations currently taking place in Washington.

Yassin said the map recently published by the Israeli army suggests that Israel views the areas it marked as territory under its military control, “as though it is saying these areas are under Israeli occupation, should not be approached, and that any movement within them will be treated as a security threat.”

He said one of the most important of these areas is Ali al-Taher. Many people, he noted, reduce it to a hill or small elevation, “when in fact Ali al-Taher is a mountain ridge extending between three and four kilometers from the area around Kfar Tebnit toward Kfar Rumman. Including large parts of it in what Israel considers an area under its control therefore carries important operational implications.”

“The Israeli occupation is currently consolidating the positions where it is deployed, while attempts to advance toward Ali al-Taher are still continuing,” he said.

Artillery and rocket fire in the Nabatieh area has also continued in recent weeks, he added, stressing that “there are still no real indications of Israeli withdrawals, contrary to what some believe.”

Yassin said the issues related to an Israeli withdrawal, redeployment or the deployment of the Lebanese army “are not decided on the ground but are being discussed within the framework of ongoing Lebanese meetings and negotiations in Washington.”

Any talk of withdrawal or new arrangements, he added, “remains premature at this stage.”

No Withdrawal

Meanwhile, Israel’s Channel 14 reported that “the future of the Israeli deployment in south Lebanon will be discussed during negotiations with the Lebanese side in Washington.”

Israel’s public broadcaster also reported that the issue of withdrawing from positions where Israeli forces remain deployed inside Lebanon will be raised during the next round of negotiations.

Yedioth Ahronoth reported that “the Israeli army has demanded that it retain a buffer zone inside south Lebanon while insisting on the dismantling of weapons in the south.”