Lebanon's Opposition Rejects to Participate in Mikati's New Cabinet

Lebanon's Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati (EPA)
Lebanon's Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati (EPA)
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Lebanon's Opposition Rejects to Participate in Mikati's New Cabinet

Lebanon's Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati (EPA)
Lebanon's Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati (EPA)

Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati's optimism about the possibility of swiftly forming a new cabinet at the end of next week does not mean that his task will be easy.

The distribution of votes in the parliamentary consultations and the positions of the political parties suggest that the government will include parties of the same affiliations.

The government could be similar to the current caretaker government headed by Mikati after the opposition blocs announced they wouldn't participate in the new cabinet.

Hours after his assignment, Mikati said it would be difficult "to form a government of just one color," asserting: "I do not accept it."

He indicated that he would present the new government formation to President Michel Aoun late next week.

There’s a general conviction that Mikati will not be able to form a government and will remain the designated prime minister and the head of the caretaker government.

The Lebanese Forces (LF) and the Progressive Socialist Party have rejected to join the government. The Change's MPs and the Kataeb Party also rejected Mikati and nominated the former ambassador, Nawaf Salam, as prime minister.

However, it does not appear that the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), which previously preferred not naming any figure, will distance itself from the formation based on what it considers "the president's share."

MP Simon Abi Ramia called for the formation of a cabinet of politicians, adding in a televised interview that the FPM supports such a government because the country is in a political crisis.

Abi Ramia explained that the current stage doesn't require specialists, stressing that there must be consensus to save the country and ensure political stability.

The Secretary of the Democratic Gathering, MP Hadi Abou El-Hassan, had previously announced that the bloc would not participate in the government directly but that the Druze community would be represented.

LF sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that they would not participate in any government for the remainder of the president's term.

The sources confirm that this stage requires managing the transitional phase with the least possible contradictions in preparation for the presidential elections and then a smooth transition of power.

Meanwhile, the Shiite duo represented by Hezbollah and the Amal movement will be a crucial partner in the government.

Their sources confirmed to the newspaper that the government would be formed if there is an "honest intention," regardless of the remaining term before the presidential elections.

The sources assert that obstructing the formation is not in anyone's interest. They reiterated that Hezbollah and Amal would participate in the government, regardless of its name and form, to help alleviate the people's suffering.

The head of Hezbollah's parliamentary bloc, MP Mohammad Raad, said: "Lebanon needs a government that can manage its affairs and interests.”

“Crises require pragmatism, providing all opportunities and removing obstacles to form a cabinet to deal with deadlines and developments," he added.



Int’l Momentum Builds for Paris Conference to Support Lebanese Army, Enforce Arms Monopoly

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
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Int’l Momentum Builds for Paris Conference to Support Lebanese Army, Enforce Arms Monopoly

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun chairs a meeting with representatives of the “Quintet” at the Presidential Palace in Beirut (AFP). 

The announcement of a conference to support the Lebanese Army, scheduled to be held in Paris on March 5, has gathered notable international momentum, bolstered by the backing of the so-called “Quintet” comprising Saudi Arabia, the United States, France, Egypt, and Qatar.

The conference is widely seen as part of a broader effort to strengthen the army’s ability to carry out its mandate, particularly enforcing the state’s exclusive control over weapons and dismantling Hezbollah’s military infrastructure.

The announcement came amid intensified Arab and international diplomatic engagement with Beirut, after Lebanon pledged last week to move to the second phase of its plan to confine weapons to official state institutions.

The government tasked the Lebanese Army with drafting an implementation plan by early February.

Lebanese ministerial sources following the issue told Asharq Al-Awsat that the diplomatic backing “has given the announcement strong momentum and significantly improved the conference’s prospects for success.”

Following a meeting at the presidential palace between President Joseph Aoun, Saudi Foreign Ministry adviser Prince Yazid bin Farhan, and French envoy and former foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, and attended by several ambassadors, including that of the United States, presidential spokesperson Najat Charafeddine said the talks focused on preparations for a conference to support the Lebanese Army and Internal Security Forces.

She announced that the conference would be held in Paris on March 5 and opened by French President Emmanuel Macron, adding that participants agreed to step up contacts to ensure the widest possible participation.

In the run-up to the conference, meetings are expected between the Lebanese Army command and donor countries to assess needs and requirements. The sources noted that discussions in Baabda also addressed Lebanon’s plan to implement the arms monopoly. Representatives of countries supporting Lebanon urged authorities to accelerate the plan’s various stages.

Paris had previously hosted a meeting on December 18 attended by Army Commander Rodolphe Haykal and envoys from Saudi Arabia and the United States, focusing on ways to support the army and verify progress on the ground in dismantling Hezbollah’s weapons.

Since the government approved the arms-monopoly plan last August, Lebanon has received promises of an international support conference amid severe shortages in equipment, manpower, and technical capabilities.

Lebanon’s plan faces two principal obstacles: the limited capabilities of the Lebanese Army and Hezbollah’s refusal to relinquish its weapons.

While the Paris conference aims to address the army’s resource constraints, ministerial sources said Hezbollah’s rejection would not affect international support, stressing that assistance “is not conditional on the party’s cooperation,” though cooperation would increase donor enthusiasm.

According to official statements, the Baabda meeting was attended by the US ambassador, the ambassadors of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, and France, as well as a Qatari assistant foreign minister.

Le Drian later met Prime Minister Nawaf Salam to brief him on preparations for the Paris conference and reaffirm France’s support for financial reform legislation and the restoration of deposits.

He also met Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri, who praised French and international efforts to support Lebanon and its army, reaffirmed Lebanon’s commitment to Resolution 1701, and warned against continued Israeli violations of Lebanese sovereignty and the ongoing occupation of parts of southern Lebanon.

 

 

 


Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
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Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 

Mediators from Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye announced on Wednesday the formation of a Palestinian technocratic committee to administer the Gaza Strip, headed by Ali Shaath. The move follows changes to the committee’s membership and broader political maneuvering that point to an imminent transfer of governance from Hamas.

Earlier on Wednesday, US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff announced the launch of “Phase Two of President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the conflict in Gaza,” saying it marks a shift “from a ceasefire to disarmament, technocratic governance, and reconstruction.”

The plan calls for the establishment of a technocratic body to oversee governmental and civilian affairs in Gaza as an alternative to Hamas rule.

While several well-known figures had previously been mentioned as potential leaders, Gaza residents and observers were surprised by the emergence of new names. Among those reported by Asharq Al-Awsat on Tuesday evening was Ali Shaath, who has since emerged as the leading candidate to chair the committee.

Who Is Ali Shaath?

Ali Shaath was born in 1958 in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, into a prominent Palestinian family and large clan with a long record of national and political engagement. Many members of his family are affiliated with Fatah.

He earned a bachelor’s degree in civil engineering from Ain Shams University in Cairo in 1982, a master’s degree in 1986, and a PhD in civil engineering from Queen’s University in the United Kingdom in 1989, specializing in infrastructure planning and urban development.

Shaath has held several senior posts within the Palestinian Authority and is widely regarded as a technical expert rather than a political figure. Early in the Authority’s formation, he served as deputy to then–Minister of Planning and International Cooperation Nabil Shaath, helping draft strategic development plans for a future Palestinian state.

He later served as undersecretary at the Ministry of Transport, overseeing major infrastructure and road projects. He went on to lead the Palestinian Industrial Estates and Free Zones Authority, chair the Palestinian Housing Council, head the Palestinian Ports Authority, and advise the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR). Most recently, despite retirement, he served as an adviser to the Ministry of Housing and Public Works.

Politically, Shaath participated in final-status negotiation committees in 2005 and contributed as a technical expert on border and maritime access issues. His background in economic development and postwar reconstruction appears to have positioned him to lead the technocratic committee.

Sources close to the Shaath family told Asharq Al-Awsat that he has lived in the West Bank for years, including before the Gaza war, and has consistently avoided factional politics, focusing instead on technical and professional roles.


Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
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Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 

A senior Israeli official has acknowledged that disagreements with Syria remain “very deep,” dismissing what the United States has described as a positive atmosphere surrounding negotiations. “The reality is quite different,” the official said.

The remarks indicate that Israel intends to preserve the current situation created by its recent occupation of Syrian territory and rejects any withdrawal, not only from Mount Hermon but also from the nine positions it established following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

Israel has reportedly set far-reaching conditions in return, including barring Syria from deploying anti-aircraft missiles.

According to a report by Maariv political correspondent Anna Barsky, intensive talks held in Paris over two days last week, involving representatives from Israel, Syria, and the United States, produced only a limited outcome.

The discussions resulted in an agreement to establish a coordination mechanism aimed at preventing field-level friction, to be managed with active US involvement, but fell short of any broader political or security breakthrough.

Barsky wrote that there is currently no possibility of reaching a security agreement between Israel and Syria. While she cited Syria’s demand for an Israeli withdrawal from Syrian Mount Hermon as the main obstacle, the report suggests that Israel’s own demands are the primary factor blocking progress.

According to the senior official, Israel’s conditions include maintaining the new reality that emerged after Assad’s downfall in December 2024. This includes areas formerly designated as a UN-monitored buffer zone, an additional strip deeper along the border covering about 450 square kilometers, and all the peaks of Mount Hermon.

Israel is also seeking to strip the Syrian army of what it defines as strategic weapons, including advanced anti-aircraft systems or any arms that could disrupt the existing military balance. In addition, it demands that no foreign forces be present in Syria if they could restrict the Israeli army’s freedom of movement, specifically Russian or Turkish forces.

The report noted that the US administration, while pressing both sides to advance toward security understandings, supports Israeli demands it considers essential to Israel’s security, particularly remaining on Mount Hermon, though Washington is expected to propose compromise arrangements.

At the same time, Barsky reported growing concern in Tel Aviv over a parallel Syrian track: efforts by Damascus to coordinate with Moscow to redeploy Russian military forces in Syria, especially in the south.

Israel views such a move as a direct threat to its operational freedom and has worked to thwart initiatives aimed at restoring a Russian presence there. According to Maariv, Israel has conveyed a firm message to Damascus, Moscow, and Washington that it will not tolerate Russian forces in southern Syria.

The newspaper linked this stance to past experience, noting that while Russia maintained two main bases in Syria - Hmeimim Air Base and the naval facility in Tartus - it also deployed military police and observation posts near the disengagement zone in the south. Israel believes a return to that model would impose new operational constraints and alter the rules of engagement.

Although Russia’s footprint in Syria shrank after Assad’s fall, Israeli assessments suggest Moscow is seeking, in coordination with Syria’s new authorities, to rebuild its influence despite its preoccupation with the war in Ukraine.

The report said that both Moscow and Damascus view a Russian presence in southern Syria as strategically valuable, particularly as a means of constraining Israel.