Tunisians Vote on New Constitution

A handout photo made available by the Presidency of Tunisia shows President Kais Saied voting at a polling station in Tunis, Tunisia, 25 July 2022. (EPA/Tunisian Presidency Press Service Handout)
A handout photo made available by the Presidency of Tunisia shows President Kais Saied voting at a polling station in Tunis, Tunisia, 25 July 2022. (EPA/Tunisian Presidency Press Service Handout)
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Tunisians Vote on New Constitution

A handout photo made available by the Presidency of Tunisia shows President Kais Saied voting at a polling station in Tunis, Tunisia, 25 July 2022. (EPA/Tunisian Presidency Press Service Handout)
A handout photo made available by the Presidency of Tunisia shows President Kais Saied voting at a polling station in Tunis, Tunisia, 25 July 2022. (EPA/Tunisian Presidency Press Service Handout)

Tunisians were voting Monday on a new constitution promoted by President Kais Saied, which has been criticized for giving his office nearly unchecked powers and for dashing gains made after the 2011 revolution.

The referendum comes a year to the day after Saied sacked the government and froze parliament in a power grab that his rivals condemned as a coup.

His moves were, however, welcomed by many Tunisians fed up with a grinding economic crisis, political turmoil and a system they felt had brought little improvement to their lives in the decade since the 2011 overthrow of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

Most think Monday's vote will pass, but turnout will gauge Saied's popularity after a year of increasingly tight one-man rule that has seen scant progress on tackling the North African country's economic woes.

Early on Monday, a handful of voters queued as they waited for a polling station to open in Tunis, guarded by a pair of soldiers and four police officers.

After casting their ballots, they emerged with purple ink on one finger to prevent fraud.

Electoral board chief Farouk Bouaskar said turnout had reached 13.6 percent by 3:30 pm, and that voting had so far taken place without incident.

Speaking mid-morning, Saied told journalists the country faced a "historic choice" and a free vote.

"Together we are founding a new republic based on genuine freedom, justice and national dignity," he said.

Imed Hezzi, a 57-year-old waiter, said he had "lots of hope" Saied would improve the country.

"Tunisia will prosper from today onwards," he told AFP after voting. "The start of the new Tunisia is today."

Full control

Some 9.3 million out of Tunisia's 12 million people are eligible to vote.

No minimum participation has been set for the constitution to pass, nor any provision for a "no" result, and Saied's critics have warned Tunisia risks sliding towards dictatorship.

The new text would place the head of state in command of the army, allow him to appoint a government without parliamentary approval and make him virtually impossible to remove from office.

The president could also present draft laws to parliament, which would be obliged to give them priority.

The new charter "gives the president almost all powers and dismantles any check on his rule and any institution that might exert any kind of control over him," declared Said Benarbia, regional director of the International Commission of Jurists.

Saied's charter would replace a 2014 constitution that was a hard-won compromise between Islamist-leaning and secular forces after three years of political turmoil.

His supporters blame the resulting parliamentary-presidential system and the dominant Islamist-influenced Ennahdha party for years of political crises and corruption.

Saied's draft constitution was published this month with little reference even to an earlier draft produced by a committee he appointed himself.

Sadeq Belaid, a mentor of Saied who led the process, warned the president's first draft was far removed from that of the committee and risked creating a "dictatorial system".

A slightly amended version did little to address such concerns.

Opposition parties and civil society groups have called for a boycott, while the powerful UGTT trade union has declined to take a position.

Revolutionary 'correction'

Benarbia said the text "doesn't even envisage the possibility of a no vote".

Saied, a 64-year-old law professor, won the 2019 presidential election in a landslide, building on his image as incorruptible and distanced from the political elite.

He has appeared increasingly isolated in recent months, mostly limiting his public comments to official videos from his office -- often diatribes against domestic foes he brands as "snakes", "germs" and "traitors".

He has vowed to protect Tunisians' liberties and describes his political project as a "correction" and a return to the path of the revolution.

Mongia Aounallah, a 62-year-old retiree, said she hoped the referendum would lead to "a better life for our children's children".

"The schools are a catastrophe," she said. "The situation is catastrophic. Everything is catastrophic."

Labourer Ridha Nefzi agreed.

"I came to vote to change the situation of the country," the 43-year-old said.

"The country's run into a brick wall. But today we turn a new page."

But while Saied enjoys some popularity, that will be tested by soaring inflation, youth unemployment of 40 percent and a tough loan deal with the International Monetary Fund.

Voting is set to end at 10:00 pm (2100 GMT) and initial results are expected on Tuesday evening.



Saudi Arabia Strongly Condemns Drone Attack on East-West Pipeline by Drones Launched from Iraq

The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
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Saudi Arabia Strongly Condemns Drone Attack on East-West Pipeline by Drones Launched from Iraq

The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs expresses in the strongest terms the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s condemnation of the targeting of the East-West Pipeline in Riyadh and Madinah regions by several drones launched from Iraq, resulting in injuries and some damage that is currently being addressed, SPA reported.

In a statement, the ministry stated: “The Kingdom clarifies that, following a request from the prime minister of Iraq to give the brotherly Iraqi government the opportunity to take the necessary measures to prevent attacks launched from Iraqi territory against Saudi Arabia and neighboring countries, the Kingdom has opted not to respond at this stage and to support the efforts of the Iraqi government.”

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia further affirmed that it reserves the right to take all necessary measures to protect its sovereignty, security, facilities, citizens, and residents.


Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
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Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)

The fallout from the Houthis’ military escalation in Yemen is straining hospitals and endangering civilians in areas under the group’s control, while fueling rare criticism from within its own ranks.

Activists and former fighters accuse the group of exploiting poverty to recruit young men, trading on fighters’ blood and diverting resources to the war effort at the expense of civilian needs.

Medical sources in the Houthi-held capital Sanaa told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group’s Health Ministry had recently ordered several government hospitals to limit admissions of critically ill patients.

Intensive care units, emergency departments and other wards have instead been reserved for wounded Houthi fighters arriving from the front lines.

The measures cover Al-Thawra, Al-Jumhouri, Police, Military, Al-Quds, 48 and Kuwait hospitals — among the capital’s leading medical facilities. Their capacity to treat civilians has consequently shrunk, particularly for patients needing urgent care or intensive treatment.

The restrictions coincided with the arrival in Sanaa of large numbers of dead and wounded Houthi fighters following battles on several fronts across Yemen.

Health workers said hospitals were taking in growing numbers of casualties and setting aside beds, equipment and wards for those arriving from combat zones, including fighters requiring surgery or intensive care.

Hospitals under strain

The Houthis have tightened security around several medical facilities, barred media access and withheld information about the identities and conditions of casualties arriving from the front lines.

Health workers said the influx of wounded fighters had pushed hospitals closer to capacity, leaving less room for civilian patients.

Ahmed, whose relative needed treatment in Sanaa, said his family struggled to obtain the necessary care at Al-Jumhouri Hospital and was forced to look elsewhere because the facility lacked the resources to treat the patient.

He accused the Houthis of channeling available medical resources into the war effort, warning that civilians — particularly children, older people, chronically ill patients and emergency cases — faced growing risks.

The measures come as the health system in Houthi-held areas reels from years of war, dwindling funding and severe shortages of medicine, supplies and medical staff. Health facilities have also been damaged, forcing some to close.

The strain extends beyond Sanaa. The capital’s main hospitals routinely receive referrals from other provinces and regions, meaning their reduced capacity affects a far wider population under Houthi control.

Dissent from within

As the escalation weighs on the health sector, criticism is also mounting among figures and activists aligned with the Houthis.

Their complaints center on the war’s human cost, the treatment of fighters and the families of those killed or wounded, and recruitment practices that prey on economic hardship.

In the latest rebuke, activist and former Houthi fighter Abdullah Sharaf al-Mahdi attacked the group’s leaders and supervisors, accusing them of trading on fighters’ blood and sidelining bereaved and wounded families for personal gain.

Fighters and their families bear the cost of the war, al-Mahdi said, while officials and supervisors receive privileges including property and financial allocations. The conflict, he added, had become a vehicle for advancing the interests of factions within the group.

Al-Mahdi said he regretted the years he had spent fighting for the Houthis and would not support them again. His comments reflect a shift among some critics from opposing the group’s policies to questioning its motives for prolonging the war.

Criticism has also emerged from within Houthi-controlled institutions.

Abdu Bishr, a member of the Houthi-controlled parliament in Sanaa, accused the group of ignoring Yemenis’ suffering and pursuing what he called “futile” wars. He urged it to keep economic and humanitarian issues out of the conflict.

Bishr called for salaries to be paid, detainees released and airports reopened. He warned that what he described as “taking pleasure in bloodshed” would deepen the humanitarian catastrophe and urged the group to ease people’s suffering or “leave the scene.”

Houthi activist and writer Zaid al-Kibsi also criticized the group’s recruitment of young people and adolescents, saying it exploited poverty and worsening economic conditions to push more of them toward the front lines.

He accused the Houthis of using religious and sectarian rhetoric, along with slogans of “jihad and martyrdom,” to recruit young people as many families struggle to meet their basic needs.

Some recruits depend on the group’s modest payments to support their families while risking death or injury in combat, al-Kibsi said.

Many are young men who have had no chance to build their lives or start families, leaving their relatives to bear the consequences when they are killed or wounded.


Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
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Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)

Israeli support for landlocked Ethiopia’s bid for access to the Red Sea is fueling tensions with Egypt, which has repeatedly opposed Addis Ababa’s moves amid a separate dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and its impact on Cairo’s Nile water share.

The Israeli backing raises friction with Egypt and gives Tel Aviv another way to pressure Cairo over its positions, despite the legitimacy of Egypt’s stance under international law, experts told Asharq Al-Awsat. They said the international community would ultimately determine the outcome.

Ethiopia has been landlocked since 1993, when Eritrea gained independence after a three-decade war. It relies on neighboring countries’ ports, particularly Djibouti’s.

The Ethiopian News Agency said Israel had announced diplomatic support for Ethiopia’s efforts to secure access to the sea. It quoted Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise as saying that his country firmly backed the East African nation’s push for a Red Sea outlet.

Empowering and strengthening Ethiopia and stabilizing the Red Sea are in everyone’s interest, not Ethiopia’s alone, and Israel stands with Ethiopia in this effort, Neguise told the agency on Thursday evening.

It was not Neguise’s first intervention on an issue dividing Egypt and Ethiopia. In August, he told reporters that Israel would “continue to strengthen its support for Ethiopia, with the aim of helping it become a leading economic power on the African continent.”

Threat to Egyptian interests

African affairs expert Asmaa al-Husseini said the Israeli statements “increase tensions with Egypt” and point to “a covert Israeli role in Ethiopia’s Red Sea moves aimed at harming Egyptian interests.”

The issue may not trigger a direct crisis between Cairo and Tel Aviv, she told Asharq Al-Awsat, but Egypt would closely monitor it. Cairo’s response would depend on the level of escalation and Ethiopia’s actions on the ground.

“Egypt has the right to defend its national security,” Husseini said. “If any military arrangements targeting it are pursued in the Red Sea, Egypt will take measures to prevent them. Ethiopia and Israel understand this, but they are trying by every means to impose a fait accompli. Egypt will never accept that.”

Neguise’s latest remarks coincided with renewed Egyptian opposition to Ethiopian access to the Red Sea.

“There are sovereign states with ports on the Red Sea, and no one has the right to grant any country military maritime access. Otherwise, there would be chaos, particularly as many African countries are landlocked,” Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty told a news conference on Thursday evening.

“There is no problem with commercial access,” he added.

Ramadan Qarny, an expert on African affairs, said Egypt’s opposition rested on several established principles.

“The first is legal: respect for international law, which affirms the exclusive right of littoral states to maintain a presence on the Red Sea coast,” Qarny told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The second is respect for African Union principles, which uphold the sanctity of borders inherited from the colonial era. Raising this issue could therefore open the door to widespread unrest across African countries.”

The third principle, Qarny said, was that “Egypt’s actions and position align with the principles of the African and Arab states bordering the Red Sea.”

Qarny said Israel was seeking Ethiopian backing on a similar issue: Israel’s presence in, or recognition of, the breakaway Somaliland region, which took place in December 2025.

“There is a political quid pro quo,” he said. “Israel supports Ethiopia in obtaining access to the Red Sea coast in exchange for Ethiopian support for Israel’s recognition of the breakaway Somaliland region.”

Cairo’s position

Cairo has not officially responded to Israel’s continued moves on Ethiopia.

Former Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed El-Orabi, a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the chairman of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, has downplayed their impact.

In earlier remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said they would “neither undermine nor change” Egypt’s positions.

Qarny said Israeli support was unlikely to significantly alter the dynamics of the Egyptian-Ethiopian disputes.

“Tensions already exist and are likely to increase,” he said, adding that Ethiopian media had in recent months waged what he described as “a coordinated and organized campaign,” led by the Ethiopian News Agency, against Egypt’s positions.

The campaign, he said, had targeted Cairo’s stance on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Nile Basin countries’ Cooperative Framework Agreement and Ethiopia’s bid for maritime access.