Ali Saleh to Saddam: War is Happening... Goal is to Destroy the Iraqi Army

Asharq Al-Awsat Releases Excerpts from the Memoirs of Former Iraqi Minister of Trade Muhammad Al-Rawi

Al-Rawi with Iraqi and Jordanian officials in Baghdad in 2000 (Getty Images)
Al-Rawi with Iraqi and Jordanian officials in Baghdad in 2000 (Getty Images)
TT

Ali Saleh to Saddam: War is Happening... Goal is to Destroy the Iraqi Army

Al-Rawi with Iraqi and Jordanian officials in Baghdad in 2000 (Getty Images)
Al-Rawi with Iraqi and Jordanian officials in Baghdad in 2000 (Getty Images)

Dr. Muhammad Mahdi Salih Al-Rawi, former Iraqi Minister of Trade, presents in his new book - “Preventing Famine in Iraq - My Memoirs of the Years of the Siege 1990-2003” (to be published soon by Al-Maaref Forum) a detailed account of the efforts he made at the head of his ministry to address the sanctions imposed on Iraq in the wake of its invasion of Kuwait in 1990, which continued until the US invasion of the country in 2003.

The author talks with remarkable frankness about the differences that were plaguing Saddam Hussein’s regime, part of which is related to Lieutenant-General Hussein Kamel, the son-in-law of the Iraqi president before he split with his uncle in 1995.

Al-Rawi has worked in the Iraqi presidential office since 1982, and was, as he says, in “direct contact” with Saddam Hussein for seven years, until his appointment as Minister of Trade in 1987.

After the US invasion in 2003, Al-Rawi was arrested in Camp Cropper and was on the most wanted list of the leaders of the collapsed regime. He was detained until 2012 and is currently living in Jordan.

Asharq Al-Awsat publishes, in two episodes, excerpts from Al-Rawi’s book before its publication.

He recounts that during the rule of the late President Abdel-Rahman Aref, relations with the United States of America were severed for its support of the Israeli aggression in 1967… The rupture remained after the revolution of July 1968, until 1982, when Donald Rumsfeld visited Baghdad, as an envoy of US President Ronald Reagan.

Diplomatic relations were already restored in 1986, but soon collapsed after the end of the Iran-Iraq war.

Al-Rawi says: “In the midst of the Iraqi people’s celebrations of victory over Iran, the US House of Representatives, under pressure from the anti-Iraq Zionist lobby, agreed to impose sanctions on Iraq on Sept. 22, 1988, forty-five days after the war stopped.”

Al-Rawi talks about Iraq’s oil power before and after the war with Iran. He says: “Iraq did not need loans and credit facilities in the seventies, especially after the nationalization of oil… Oil revenues increased from one billion dollars annually to USD 26.4 billion in 1980...”

However, he explains: “The increased military spending throughout the eight-year period of the Iraq-Iran war was not the only reason for the accumulation of debts, which began in mid-1984. It was also due to the significant decline in oil revenues due to the cessation of oil trades through the southern port that Iraq used for nearly two-thirds of its exports specified by OPEC.”

He noted that the mentioned port became within the target of daily Iranian bombing. Moreover, in 1982, Syria halted its export activity through the pipeline passing through its territory to the Mediterranean, in support of Iran.

These developments have contributed to the accumulation of half of Iraq’s debts of USD 42 billion (excluding Gulf debt) at the end of the war in 1988, leaving only the Turkish oil pipeline with a capacity of half a million barrels per day.

He added that the drop in oil prices in the mid-1980s had a “significant impact on the economic situation”, as “austerity measures” were taken in many sectors with the aim of ensuring that “food and medicine insurance plans and expenditures to support the war effort were not affected.”

He continued that the Military Industrialization Command, represented by Lieutenant-General Hussein Kamel, adopted a policy of expanding the military industrial base…

“These numerous, large and ambitious goals (…) required not a few financial resources,” Al-Rawi said.

He explained: “Oil revenues did not meet the previously mentioned goals. A sharp competition emerged between the Military Industrialization Authority, and the rest of the ministries... Lieutenant-General Hussein Kamel had the last say in the state, due to the reputation he gained in developing military production in the last years of the war with Iran, and his relationship of kinship and affinity with the late president…”

The invasion of Kuwait and the sanctions

The author talked about the period after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990:

He said that when President Georges Bush imposed a comprehensive American embargo on Iraq and froze its assets and properties in the United States, he went on the morning of Aug. 3, 1990 to the Central Bank to look at Iraq’s hard currency assets in foreign banks and central bank reserves, in his capacity as minister of Trade and acting Finance minister.

Al-Rawi noted that he asked the Central Bank governor to ​​immediately begin transferring Iraq’s foreign deposits to the Central Bank of Jordan, but he refrained, saying that the Central Bank did not report to the Minister of Finance, but to the Presidential Diwan.

On the Iraqi preparations for the war to liberate Kuwait in 1991, the author said that the needs of all governorates to prevent any food shortage during the war.

“The strategic storage was focused on the governorates of Karbala and Najaf, because they are two religious governorates that are unlikely to be subjected to aerial bombardment. The same is true for the autonomous provinces, which are also considered safe provinces. In addition, the owners of mills and kilns in Baghdad and the governorates were informed to secure sufficient storage of fuel to continue their work if the oil installations were targeted by bombing (…)”

“A week before the expiry of the deadline set by the Security Council, I traveled to Amman, and from there to Yemen to meet the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh…

Al-Rawi said that during a lunch invitation, the Yemeni leadership told him that the war would take place, and that the coalition’s military had a main goal to destroy the Iraqi army.

Al-Rawi talked about the start of the US strikes in January 1991, saying: “The aerial attack of the coalition forces has exceeded the goal of removing the Iraqi forces from Kuwait to bear a destructive plan for Iraq and to undermine all the achievements that the country has made and which have nothing to do with the war.”



Hamas Hopes Pressure Will Amend Gaza Disarmament Plan

Gunmen from Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades in Nuseirat refugee camp, central Gaza, February 2025 (EPA)
Gunmen from Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades in Nuseirat refugee camp, central Gaza, February 2025 (EPA)
TT

Hamas Hopes Pressure Will Amend Gaza Disarmament Plan

Gunmen from Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades in Nuseirat refugee camp, central Gaza, February 2025 (EPA)
Gunmen from Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades in Nuseirat refugee camp, central Gaza, February 2025 (EPA)

Hamas is pressing mediators to secure changes to a plan presented more than a week ago by Nikolay Mladenov, the High Representative of the “Board of Peace,” which calls for the full disarmament of Gaza without exception.

A Hamas delegation in Cairo is holding intensive talks with Palestinian factions and Egyptian officials, alongside meetings with representatives of the Board of Peace, including Mladenov, who has already met the group again, Asharq Al-Awsat has learned.

A senior Hamas official in Cairo said the movement has delivered a clear message to mediators: the proposal in its current form is unacceptable to Palestinians.

The official said amendments must bind Israel to complete the remaining terms of the first phase of the ceasefire agreement and commit to the second phase, particularly a full and immediate withdrawal, in line with the 20-point plan presented by US President Donald Trump during negotiations last September.

Hamas, they said, is still consulting internally and with other factions, with no final position yet on disarmament. Any response will depend on changes to the plan, especially guarantees of Israeli withdrawal and an end to what the official described as repeated ceasefire violations.

The official also accused Israel of restricting aid and goods, engineering shortages, tightening movement through the Rafah crossing, and using armed groups to search and humiliate travelers.

They said talks with mediators are focused on forcing revisions to the proposal.

A second Palestinian faction source said the plan is unjust and requires major changes, not only on weapons but also on withdrawal mechanisms, reconstruction, and governance, which he said must remain purely Palestinian without foreign oversight.

Linking disarmament to second-phase measures, including reconstruction limited to disarmed areas, amounts to blackmail, he said, adding that all Palestinian factions reject such conditions.

Reuters cited three sources, two Egyptian and one Palestinian, as saying Hamas has told mediators it will not discuss disarmament without guarantees of a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, as outlined in the Board of Peace proposal.

Hamas has also demanded an end to Israeli violations, full implementation of all provisions, and clarification over Israel’s expanding control in the enclave.

Two Hamas officials declined to comment, while the Israeli government and Board of Peace representatives did not respond to requests for comment, Reuters reported.

Israel insists on full disarmament of Gaza, including light and heavy weapons. The Board of Peace plan calls for dismantling tunnel networks and surrendering weapons in stages over eight months, with a full Israeli withdrawal only after Gaza is verified to be free of weapons.

Trump’s top Board of Peace envoy in the Middle East, Mladenov, said on X that all mediators had endorsed the plan and helped shape it before presenting it to Hamas.

"(The) international community has supported it, now is the time to agree to the framework for its implementation. For the sake of both Palestinians and Israelis, there is not time to lose," he said in the post.

 


Baghdad Says Faction Attacks are ‘Individual Attempts’

Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces stand guard during a pro-Iran rally in Tahrir Square on April 2, 2026 (AFP)
Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces stand guard during a pro-Iran rally in Tahrir Square on April 2, 2026 (AFP)
TT

Baghdad Says Faction Attacks are ‘Individual Attempts’

Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces stand guard during a pro-Iran rally in Tahrir Square on April 2, 2026 (AFP)
Members of the Popular Mobilization Forces stand guard during a pro-Iran rally in Tahrir Square on April 2, 2026 (AFP)

The Iraqi government moved on Friday to contain the fallout from an escalating regional war, after the US issued sharp warnings of possible attacks on its interests inside Iraq.

Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani vowed to pursue those behind attacks and the kidnapping of foreigners, saying the law would be enforced “without red lines.”

The move comes as the confrontation between the US and Israel on one side, and Iran on the other, spills further into Iraq, through rocket and drone attacks and mounting humanitarian and economic strains, including an extended closure of Iraqi airspace.

Iraq’s foreign ministry, responding to a US Embassy statement urging American citizens to leave immediately, said Iraq “is not a party to the conflict and does not wish to be part of it,” reaffirming a policy of distancing itself from the crisis.

The embassy warned that “Iran-aligned militias” could carry out attacks in the near term, underscoring fears that the conflict could spread into Iraq.

The foreign ministry said such incidents were “individual attempts” that do not reflect state policy, adding that some actors may take unilateral steps “contrary to the state’s direction.”

It described the actions as “illegal” and said holding the state responsible amounted to “unjustified generalization,” as Iraq faces growing pressure given its geography and ties with both Washington and Tehran.

Security push

Sudani chaired a security meeting at the Interior Ministry’s intelligence headquarters with senior officials to address threats to diplomatic missions, vital facilities, and the kidnapping of foreigners.

He called for “maximum measures” to pursue those responsible and stressed that enforcing the law would face “no red lines,” regardless of the party involved. He also ordered stronger intelligence efforts and higher readiness as regional tensions intensified.

This comes as uncertainty persists over the fate of American journalist Shelly Kittleson kidnapped in Baghdad, with no group claiming responsibility, highlighting ongoing challenges in securing foreign interests.

Observers say Baghdad’s description of the attacks as “individual” aims to avoid direct responsibility and preserve a delicate balance in relations with Washington and Tehran.

Unclear strike

A security source said an airstrike hit a gravel plant in al-Rutba district in western Anbar province. “Unknown” warplanes carried out the strike early Friday, with no casualties or significant damage reported. Authorities have opened an investigation.

Local data showed the Kurdistan region has been hit by 614 rockets and drones since Feb. 28 through midday Friday.

The attacks killed 14 people and wounded 93, with Erbil accounting for 484 projectiles, Sulaymaniyah 103, Duhok 25, and Halabja two.

The figures underscore mounting pressure on the region as it remains within the wider theater of confrontation.

Displacement rises

A report by the International Organization for Migration said regional tensions have begun to drive internal displacement.

It recorded 90 families displaced in Sulaymaniyah province by March 24 due to fears of drone strikes.

Baghdad and Erbil also saw limited displacement, with residents leaving affected areas to stay with relatives or in rented homes in rural areas.

Iraq’s civil aviation authority extended the suspension of air traffic for seven more days, from 12 p.m. Friday to the same time on April 10, describing the move as a temporary precaution based on ongoing security assessments.

The extension reflects fears of a wider escalation or the use of Iraqi airspace in further military action, leaving Baghdad to navigate a difficult balance: preventing the country from becoming an open conflict arena while maintaining ties with regional and international powers.

 


Israeli Army: Hezbollah Disarmament Needs Full Occupation of Lebanon

An Israeli military truck transports a tank in the Upper Galilee in northern Israel near the Lebanese border (AFP)
An Israeli military truck transports a tank in the Upper Galilee in northern Israel near the Lebanese border (AFP)
TT

Israeli Army: Hezbollah Disarmament Needs Full Occupation of Lebanon

An Israeli military truck transports a tank in the Upper Galilee in northern Israel near the Lebanese border (AFP)
An Israeli military truck transports a tank in the Upper Galilee in northern Israel near the Lebanese border (AFP)

A senior Israeli military commander said on Friday that disarming Hezbollah was not part of the current war objectives, and that the army’s plan instead focused on razing entire villages in southern Lebanon and forcibly displacing residents to create a buffer zone imposing a new border reality.

Defense Minister Israel Katz said the war aimed to achieve what he called the “top objective” of disarming Hezbollah and that the government remained committed to it.

The spokesperson for the Israeli army later walked back the commander’s remarks, saying the military remained committed to the long-term goal of disarming Hezbollah through a broad, gradual effort.

The current operation weakens Hezbollah and will contribute to its disarmament over time, the spokesperson noted.

A military source said Israel would act if the Lebanese government failed to disarm the group, adding that Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem was within the scope of Israeli assassination plans.

Former general Yom-Tov Samia said dismantling Hezbollah would require targeting the Lebanese state itself, including its infrastructure, to pressure the public against the group.

Despite the clarification, the initial remarks continued to reverberate. Military analysts and reserve generals said they reflected a blunt reality: the current war cannot destroy Hezbollah.

They said such a goal would require full occupation of Lebanon and sweeping searches across all towns and villages, which would exceed the scope of the current operation.

Amid the visible rift, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu postponed a cabinet meeting scheduled for Friday, replacing it with limited consultations before rescheduling it for Saturday evening.

A military source said the army would present a plan to the cabinet to completely destroy Lebanese border villages and establish a depopulated security zone, barring residents from returning to areas along what Israel calls the “contact line,” with 20 Christian villages exempted.

The army says Hezbollah has tried over the past year to rebuild its infrastructure along the border. It proposes turning a 3-4 km strip into a forward defensive zone.

The plan calls for the total destruction of dozens of villages near Israeli towns, from Kfarkela opposite Metula to Naqoura opposite Shlomi, including the demolition of all infrastructure and a permanent ban on residents returning.

The military says the plan has received legal approvals, arguing that villages used by Hezbollah constitute “incriminated” infrastructure and that their existence would enable the group to rebuild in the future.

It added that after a November 2024 ceasefire, Hezbollah fighters returned to border villages and attempted to rebuild underground infrastructure and deploy weapons not previously detected.

The army said it would be impossible after the current operation to revert to the existing border, as Hezbollah would return, requiring a new line.

The proposed model mirrors what the army calls the “yellow line” in the Gaza Strip, a 2-4 km strip cleared of locals and controlled by Israeli forces with forward positions.

A senior Israeli officer said the plan differs from Israel’s past security zone in southern Lebanon, stressing that civilians would not be allowed to return.

The officer acknowledged that setting Hezbollah’s disarmament as a war goal had been “overly ambitious,” saying current constraints, including a prolonged war and the need to focus on Iran, prevent making it an immediate objective.