NATO and the War in Ukraine

A general view of a session at the NATO Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bucharest, Romania, on November 30, 2022. Reuters
A general view of a session at the NATO Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bucharest, Romania, on November 30, 2022. Reuters
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NATO and the War in Ukraine

A general view of a session at the NATO Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bucharest, Romania, on November 30, 2022. Reuters
A general view of a session at the NATO Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bucharest, Romania, on November 30, 2022. Reuters

The end of the cold war in 1991 brought along questions as regards NATO’s future. It has been more than 30 years and NATO’s ability to adopt itself to “the most complex security environment since the end of the Cold War” has preserved it as the strongest military alliance able to maintain its relevance and more.

After the demise of the Soviet Union, NATO and Russia were able to establish a structural relationship. But throughout the years, relations have been far from stable.

Russia has been concerned with NATO’s eastward expansion and NATO has been troubled by Russia’s assertive and aggressive policies in particular in former Soviet geography, the so-called near abroad.

At the NATO Bucharest Summit in 2008, it was declared that Ukraine and Georgia will (eventually) become members.

Russia responded by military intervention in Georgia, leading to the break up of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

A few years later in 2014 Russia intervened in Ukraine and annexed Crimea.

NATO’s response was strongly worded, coupled with certain sanctions and suspension of cooperation (even then, political and military channels of communication remained open) but Russia was unaffected and even further emboldened with the soft reaction of the West.

This time around, when Russia invaded, NATO sided with Ukraine actively. In March 2022 Heads of State and Government of NATO countries held an extraordinary summit in Brussels and declared Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as the “gravest threat to Euro-Atlantic security in decades”. All ties between NATO and Russia were severed.

From a military point of view, there are two things which took almost everyone by surprise in Ukraine. One is the poor performance of the Russian military and the other is the performance of the Ukrainian army beyond expectations.

The Ukrainians have been able to inflict heavy damage on the Russians and NATO now has a battered Russia on its eastern flank.

Ukraine owes a lot to NATO and the Allies. After the annexation of Crimea in 2014, NATO engaged in strengthening and transforming Ukraine’s security and defence. At the 2016 NATO Summit in Warsaw, the Alliance efforts were structured under what is called the Comprehensive Assistance Package.

Russia has long sighted NATO’s eastward expansion as a threat. Its invasion of Ukraine has brought Russia’s worst dreams to life. In the heat of the war, Ukraine has formally applied for NATO membership and so have Sweden and Finland.

NATO rejects Russia’s objections as an unacceptable interference in its affairs and has reiterated its policy of “open door”. That means, every European nation has the right to apply for membership and whether or when it is accepted is NATO’s business and nobody else’s.

But having made the principle clear, NATO would not be in a rush to do that. NATO was not very pleased when Ukraine handed in its formal application for membership. To admit Ukraine as a member would carry things to another level, where Ukraine would come under the umbrella of article 5 of the Washington Treaty and bring NATO in direct confrontation with Russia.

As to Sweden and Finland, in May 2022, they submitted their official letter of application to become a NATO member. Once all Allies have ratified the Accession Protocol according to their national procedures, they will accede to the Washington Treaty.

The alliance has welcomed the two countries with open arms. There is a problem stemming from Türkiye but it is not an objection to the actual membership and the problem is expected to be solved. With Finland and Sweden as formal NATO members, the Alliance’s military capacity will be further strengthened and NATO will have a 1,340-km-long common border with Russia.

At its 2022 Summit in Madrid, NATO leaders agreed to the Alliance’s eight Strategic Concept. This is the core reference document of the Alliance and it is revised/updated about every ten years. The Concept outlines the Alliance’s purpose and nature, lays out challenges it faces and provides guidelines. The last concept was adopted in 2010 when Russia was a partner and the global strategic environment was different.

The Strategic Concept of 2022 has been prepared at a time of war and has reflected the sentiments, concerns and reactions surrounding it.

Russia has been declared the culprit as article 8 of the document states that “The Russian Federation is the most significant and direct threat to Allies security and to peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area”. It is also emphasized that “Russia seeks to establish spheres of influence and direct control through coercion, subversion, aggression and annexation.”

In recent years, ups and downs in transatlantic ties, the idea of “Europe taking the lead in European security” and a sort of fatigue of involvement in places such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, and Sahel were visible within NATO.

Relations with Russia and how to react to Russian policies have always been an issue where there have been different approaches. Allies from eastern and central Europe and the Baltics have traditionally taken a tougher position, whereas, western and southern European allies including Germany, France and Italy have preferred a more cooperative approach, with doors and communication channels open.

It has never been an easy process, but Allies have always been able to reach consensus and move forward.

The war in Ukraine had implications on NATO-China relations as well. China made it into NATO Strategic Concept in 2022 for the first time in history where its stated ambitions and coercive policies are said to challenge NATO’s interests, security and values. The war in Ukraine has changed focus of attention away from China.

On the defense side, NATO military planners have reviewed plans in light of the war in Ukraine. At the Madrid Summit in June 2022, Allies agreed the biggest revision of collective defense and deterrence since the Cold War.

NATO has increased the number of its forces on its eastern flank. Eight battlegroups at the level of brigade in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland. Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria are in place along NATO’s eastern flank, from the Baltic Sea in the north to the Black Sea in the south. High readiness forces are structured to deter and protect alliance territory and populations.

Defense spending had become a major issue in the Alliance. President Trump argued that the US bears the burden in a most unfair way and threatened to reexamine its NATO policies unless steps were taken. The agreed solution was a pledge by each ally to increase its defense spending to at least two percent of its gross domestic product by 2024.

The process was slow. Before the war, only a few NATO members had fulfilled their pledge. The war in Ukraine had an accelerating effect and as of today, 20 NATO countries are above the threshold.

In this context, Germany came in as a major booster. The European industrial giant committed 100 billion Euros for its defense spending. It also began sending weapons and supplies to Ukraine to fight off Russians. These are all a first since the second world war.

In face of the war in Ukraine and the new geopolitical environment, NATO seems to be united against the common threat in this new generation cold war. But there is room for concern that the war may have a backlash as it is costly in many ways also for NATO members.



Netanyahu Faces Pressure to End Fighting in Gaza after Killing of Sinwar

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024. (Reuters)
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024. (Reuters)
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Netanyahu Faces Pressure to End Fighting in Gaza after Killing of Sinwar

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024. (Reuters)
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024. (Reuters)

The killing of Israel's most wanted enemy Yahya Sinwar has been hailed as vindication for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but in a country weary after a year of war it also raises pressure on him to end the fighting and save the hostages still in Gaza.

Netanyahu himself described Sinwar's death as "the beginning of the end" to a conflict that has spread to Lebanon and Yemen, and said it could end if Hamas lays down its arms and return the 101 Israeli and foreign hostages held in Gaza.

With Sinwar joining a growing list of Palestinian and Lebanese militant leaders killed by Israel over recent months, the fear that a deal would reward the architect of the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attacks on Israel has gone.

"I think what we have now is an opportunity to use this moment in Gaza to close the front in Gaza," said Shira Efron, Senior Director of Policy Research at the pro-Israel Diane and Guilford Glazer Foundation.

"I mean, you need to remember that this goes into the kishka (the guts) of Israeli society, they've avenged the mastermind Sinwar," she said.

Yet it remains unclear how Hamas will respond to the death of their leader, filmed by an Israeli drone sitting badly wounded in a ruined building in Gaza before his body was recovered and taken to Israel for tests that confirmed his identity.

On Friday, the deputy head of Hamas Khalil Al-Hayya said Israeli hostages would not be returned until Israeli "aggression" ended and its forces withdrew.

Some of Netanyahu's hardline political allies, including his Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, said Israel should not stop before the "complete surrender" of Hamas.

But with the White House talking about a potential "inflection point" in the war, even many supporters of Israel's hitherto uncompromising approach said there was an opportunity to end the fighting.

"I think Netanyahu said the right thing last night. Give us the hostages and - when everyone, the hostages, will return - we'll leave," said Erez Goldman, a Jerusalem resident, as he absorbed the news the following day.

A significant section of Israeli opinion, including Netanyahu, has always maintained that the only way to achieve peace is by inflicting military defeats on their enemies, even if that comes at the cost of upsetting their allies.

Sinwar's death was seen by many as vindication of Israel's refusal to bow to international pressure earlier this year not to send ground troops into the city of Rafah, which was at the time the refuge for more than a million Palestinians displaced by the fighting.

"This is the first thing that came to mind when Sinwar was taken out in Rafah," one senior official said on Friday.

Netanyahu has resisted pressure for months from families of the hostages and from world leaders, including US President Joe Biden, to agree a ceasefire deal in Gaza. There were more such calls on Friday.

'OFF-RAMP'

Netanyahu's political fortunes, at rock-bottom last year in the aftermath of the bloodiest day in Israel's history, have revived steadily since, particularly as a series of militant leaders have been assassinated.

Mohammed Deif, Hamas' longstanding military commander, was killed in Gaza in July and in the same month, the movement's political leader Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in Tehran.

Two months later Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was killed in Beirut, one of a string of leaders from the Iranian-backed group killed in a wave of Israeli airstrikes.

The addition of Sinwar to the list could give Netanyahu a potential "off-ramp" from Gaza, said Carmiel Arbit, non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council.

"But Sinwar's death alone does not guarantee the circumstances necessary for Netanyahu to declare an end to the war as so many hope," she said.

Hostage families feel that after ceasefire talks apparently ran into the sand weeks ago, there is no time to waste. "It's an opportunity that we might not have again," said Daniel Lifshitz, whose grandfather Oded Lifshitz is still held in Gaza.

Much will depend on who succeeds Sinwar, whose death in combat was hailed by many Palestinians as a heroic act of defiance against Israel that should inspire further resistance.

Israel has said it must maintain security control over Gaza when combat operations end. But it has otherwise not revealed any detailed ideas for running the enclave beyond rejecting any role for Hamas or the Palestinian Authority.

After a year of war, the enclave is in ruins, with more than 42,000 Palestinians dead and most of the population displaced. Reconstruction will take years, requiring billions of dollars and heavy international support.

On the Israeli side, after Hamas-led gunmen stormed into Israel on Oct 7, 2023, killing 1,200 people and taking 251 hostages, few are willing to trust Hamas even if Sinwar is gone.

But even the chairperson of Kibbutz Be'eri, a community close to the Gaza Strip that lost one in 10 of its population on Oct 7, said the chance offered by Sinwar's death should be taken.

"There is an opportunity," said Amit Solvi. "And Israel has to take this opportunity in both hands. And evolve that into a diplomatic agreement."