Saudi FM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Agreement with Iran Sign of Joint Will to Resolve Disputes through Dialogue

Prince Faisal says he hopes China’s sponsorship of the agreement will bolster regional security

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah. (SPA)
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah. (SPA)
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Saudi FM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Agreement with Iran Sign of Joint Will to Resolve Disputes through Dialogue

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah. (SPA)
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah. (SPA)

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah said the Saudi-Iranian agreement to restore diplomatic relations underscores the joint desire by both sides to “resolve disputes through communication and dialogue.”

He added, however: “This does not mean that an agreement has been reached to resolve all pending disputes between them.”

Riyadh and Tehran agreed in Beijing on Friday to reestablish ties that were severed in 2016. They also agreed to reopen their embassies within two months.

In his first interview since the China-sponsored agreement was reached, Prince Faisal said he was looking forward to meeting his Iranian counterpart soon to build on the deal.

“We are preparing to restore our diplomatic ties within two months, so it is normal for us to exchange visits in the future,” he remarked.

On his latest visit to Kyiv and Moscow and talks about a Saudi mediation to stop the Ukraine-Russia war, he stressed that the Kingdom was “prepared to exert efforts and work with the two countries to reach a political solution that ends the crisis and fighting and saves lives.”

Saudi Arabia and Iran agreed to restore diplomatic ties and reopen their embassies within two months. What is Saudi Arabia’s direct interest in such a deal? Will it pave the way for a new phase in the region, on the political and economic levels, and in complicated regional files?

Diplomatic ties are at the core of relations between countries. This is doubly significant for two neighboring countries of the size of Saudi Arabia and Iran. They share several religious, historic and cultural ties.

So, the agreement was reached through China’s sponsorship and mediation and after several rounds of talks over the past two years in Iraq and Oman.

Saudi Arabia is forging ahead in the path of de-escalation it has chosen because of its sense of responsibility in bolstering regional and international security and stability.

Agreeing to restore diplomatic ties does not mean we have reached a solution to all disputes between us. Rather, it is a sign of our joint will to resolve them through communication and dialogue and peaceful and diplomatic means.

We, in the Kingdom, hope to open a new chapter with Iran and bolster cooperation that would consolidate security and stability and push forward development and prosperity, not just in both our countries, but the entire region.

When will you meet with the Iranian foreign minister to activate the agreement and arrange for the exchange of ambassadors? Will we soon see you in Tehran?

I am looking forward to meeting with the Iranian foreign minister soon to build on the agreement. We will prepare to restore diplomatic relations within the next two months. It is natural to exchange visits.

Riyadh and Tehran stressed in their joint statement “non-interference in the affairs of other countries and respect for their sovereignty.” Washington has cast doubt on Iran’s commitment. Does the agreement have any conditions related to meddling in the affairs of others and do you believe Iran will respect this?

One of the most important demands for opening a new chapter in ties with Iran is committing to the agreement signed between us. There is no doubt that both our countries and the region have an interest in activating joint cooperation and coordination and focusing on development instead of hegemony.

Such an approach will achieve the aspirations and hopes of our peoples and generations to come for a better future that is secure, stable and prosperous. We hope the Iranians share our hope and goals and we look forward to working with them to achieve them.

Iran has for some time now been grappling with several crises, such as the collapse of the negotiations over its nuclear program and internal problems that have led to one crisis after another, as well as its struggling economy. Some voices, especially western ones, believe this new agreement may be a lifeline to the Iranian regime. What do you think?

I won’t reply to most of what was brought up in the question because they are mostly related to Iran’s internal affairs. What I can say is that Iran is a neighboring country, whose stability and development will benefit the interest and development of the region. We, in Saudi Arabia, only wish it well.

As for Iran’s continued development of its nuclear capabilities, this, no doubt, is cause for alarm. We have repeatedly called for the Gulf region and Middle East to be free of weapons of mass destruction. We call on Iran to commit to its nuclear pledges and intensify its cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency. We will continue to work with allies and friends to ensure that.

China is not in the habit of throwing its diplomatic weight in initiatives aimed at resolving regional crises. The question is: Why was China specifically the mediator, not another country?

As the joint statement said, Saudi Arabia welcomed the initiative proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping. It worked with it as an extension of the negotiations that it has been holding with the Iranians for two years. It is no secret that China enjoys positive relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran that has helped achieve rapprochement and highlight the Kingdom’s legitimate concerns.

We hope China’s sponsorship of the agreement would bolster coexistence and security in our region, and good neighborliness between countries. The three countries have a joint interest in preparing a regional environment that is marked by peace, security and stability so that they can work on building and developing regional and international partnerships that achieve economic development and prosperity for the people.

You had proposed an initiative in Moscow to end the Ukraine conflict. Can you shed more light on your diplomatic efforts there, specifically how accepting the warring parties were of any Saudi role? Have you made progress in this area and are you optimistic over your success?

We were and are still ready to exert efforts and to work with both countries to reach a political solution that would end the crisis and fighting and save lives.

The efforts of Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, led to a prisoner exchange between the two sides. The Kingdom has been focusing on meeting the immediate humanitarian needs that emerged from the war. Our humanitarian response in Ukraine is evidence of this drive.

The situation requires both parties, as well as the international community, to stop the dangerous escalation that has harmed the two countries and Europe’s security and weakened international cooperation.



Jeddah Summit Highlights Saudi Push for Gulf Coordination

Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, holds talks with Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani in Jeddah on Tuesday. (SPA)
Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, holds talks with Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani in Jeddah on Tuesday. (SPA)
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Jeddah Summit Highlights Saudi Push for Gulf Coordination

Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, holds talks with Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani in Jeddah on Tuesday. (SPA)
Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, holds talks with Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani in Jeddah on Tuesday. (SPA)

Observers said Saudi Arabia’s hosting of a consultative meeting of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in Jeddah on Tuesday underscores a push by Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, to bolster joint Gulf work, contain the fallout of the current security and economic crisis, and ensure that solutions to the conflict ensure the interests of the GCC.

Recent developments and their unprecedented repercussions have exposed a major shift in the regional security order, underscoring the need for stronger Gulf cooperation and a more integrated crisis-response strategy.

Containing fallout

Informed sources said Saudi Arabia, alongside fellow Gulf states, has led diplomatic efforts to avoid escalation in the region.

GCC countries have repeatedly stressed their territories will not be used to launch attacks against Iran, seeking to prevent a wider conflict and its economic and security consequences.

Despite this, Iran and allied militias have expanded the conflict through unjustified attacks on GCC states.

Political analyst Munif Al-Harbi told Asharq Al-Awsat that Saudi Arabia has condemned Iranian attacks targeting the Kingdom, GCC states, and several Arab and Islamic countries, warning of escalation, breaches of international law, and threats to regional stability.

He said Riyadh considers GCC security indivisible, with any attack on one member treated as an attack on all, underscoring the need to protect shared interests.

Al-Harbi said the crisis has reinforced the urgency of deeper Gulf integration and stronger defense coordination. He said GCC states have shown a strong ability to intercept most missile and drone attacks, reflecting the resilience of their defense systems.

He added that economic and logistical coordination has also intensified, with Saudi Arabia helping stabilize global markets by maintaining oil exports.

Fragile ceasefire

Political analyst Khaled Al-Habbas agreed, saying the summit came at a sensitive moment shaped by stalled negotiations and a fragile ceasefire.

He underscored the consistent GCC stance since the start of the war, including support for the Pakistani mediation and efforts to ensure a Gulf voice at the negotiating table, even without direct participation, given the damage Gulf states have sustained from the Iranian attacks, including the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Al-Habbas said the summit is expected to reaffirm Gulf unity, condemn Iranian attacks, and back ongoing mediation efforts.

He said it would likely stress reopening the Strait of Hormuz in line with international law, reject any unilateral Iranian arrangements, and highlight risks linked to Iran’s nuclear and missile programs and its regional proxies, as well as continued attacks on some Gulf states even after the ceasefire.

Both analysts said the summit will stress tighter coordination across defense, logistics, and supply chains, which they said has helped limit the war’s impact on GCC states.

The summit is also expected to back regional and international efforts toward a political settlement addressing all aspects of the conflict and Gulf concerns over Iran’s conduct.

Any deal reached must reflect those concerns and be backed by firm international guarantees.


Gulf Maritime Integration Needed to Protect Hormuz, Counter Strategic Blackmail

A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)
A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)
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Gulf Maritime Integration Needed to Protect Hormuz, Counter Strategic Blackmail

A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)
A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)

The Strait of Hormuz has shifted, amid the current crisis, from a vital shipping lane into a strategic bargaining chip, anchored in Iran’s ability to keep passage uncertain, legally open, yet militarily threatened, politically conditioned, and economically sensitive.

A report by the Gulf Research Center, published on Tuesday, said Gulf states are the most exposed to the fallout from using Hormuz as leverage.

It said the strait’s impact goes beyond energy exports, extending to port security, supply chains, insurance, investment, the reputation of the economic environment, and the continuity of trade flows.

The report, prepared by retired Naval Admiral Abdullah Jaber AlZaidi, senior adviser for defense and security studies at the center, said Gulf states must not only protect the waterway but also reduce their vulnerability to strategic blackmail.

That requires stronger maritime early warning, a more integrated maritime picture, higher readiness to protect ports and infrastructure, alternative supply chain plans, and closer coordination with international partners, without turning the region into an open arena for escalation.

Iran’s approach, the report said, rarely reaches full closure. Instead, it relies on selective restrictions or threats, particularly against ships it views as tied to logistical support for US bases or as subject to maritime pressure. This gives Tehran room to maneuver, allowing it to calibrate between escalation and de-escalation.

The United States, by contrast, is using naval and air deployments as deterrence and counter-pressure, seeking to make any disruption of Hormuz a high-cost option for Iran. The aim is to curb escalation and reassure allies and markets that freedom of navigation will not be held hostage by Iran.

The report warned that the crisis is governed by a fragile balance. Iran is betting on raising the cost of passage without exhausting the Hormuz card, while the United States is betting on stronger deterrence without tipping into open conflict. Gulf states remain the most affected, as Hormuz is no longer just a navigation issue, but a broad national security concern spanning energy, ports, insurance, investment, supply chains, and regional stability.

Maritime pressure and the shadow fleet

The report said Iran’s use of Hormuz cannot be separated from wider maritime and economic pressure imposed on it. This goes beyond direct restrictions on Iranian ports to targeting shipping networks, insurance, intermediaries, and tankers that help Tehran bypass sanctions and market oil and petroleum products outside official channels.

Recent US measures against shipping firms and tankers linked to Iranian oil are not just financial sanctions, the report said, but part of dismantling Iran’s ability to sustain unofficial maritime trade.

Strategic ambiguity

Iran’s shifting statements on the strait reflect a deliberate strategy of ambiguity, the report said. The messaging has moved from allowing commercial transit, to linking passage, to de-escalation, to tougher positions on monitoring or restricting some vessels.

This is not an inconsistency, but an effort to keep the strait in a gray zone.

At its core, the strait remains legally open, but militarily threatened and subject to political and security conditions. That alone is enough to unsettle shipping firms, insurers, and vessel owners, who base decisions on worst-case risks, not reassuring statements.

The report said Iran adds a more sensitive layer by claiming some transiting ships provide logistical support for US bases in the Gulf, shifting from the language of disruption to a claim of the right to monitor what it sees as threats to its sovereignty.

Iran’s strategy reflects an awareness of its limits in conventional naval operations, offset by effective tools of disruption, confusion, and gray-zone pressure, the report said. These include direct military tools, hybrid gray-zone and cyber tools, and psychological and information warfare.

The Strait of Hormuz is narrow, the report said, and any incident could escalate quickly, whether a ship refusing inspection or a mine hitting the wrong target. Such events could shift the dynamic from bargaining to confrontation, stripping Iran of control over escalation and turning leverage into liability.

Impact on Gulf security

Gulf states remain the most exposed to the fallout, the report said, as Hormuz affects not only energy exports but also ports, supply chains, insurance, investment, the business environment, and trade flows.

Iran’s use of the strait puts Gulf states in a delicate position, the report noted, adding that they need to protect freedom of navigation, but do not want the strait to become an open confrontation zone.

It also mentioned that Gulf states need international deterrence, but know that any broad escalation would hit them directly, economically, and in security terms.

The report said Gulf states must go beyond protecting the passage and work to reduce their vulnerability to strategic blackmail.

This requires stronger maritime early warning, better integration of maritime awareness, higher readiness to protect ports and infrastructure, alternative supply chain planning, and tighter coordination with international partners, without turning the region into an open theater of escalation.


Bahrain Sentences Five to Life for Plotting Terrorist Acts with Iran

Tuesday's sentences come a day after Bahrain revoked the citizenship of 69 people who "supported hostile Iranian acts". (BNA)
Tuesday's sentences come a day after Bahrain revoked the citizenship of 69 people who "supported hostile Iranian acts". (BNA)
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Bahrain Sentences Five to Life for Plotting Terrorist Acts with Iran

Tuesday's sentences come a day after Bahrain revoked the citizenship of 69 people who "supported hostile Iranian acts". (BNA)
Tuesday's sentences come a day after Bahrain revoked the citizenship of 69 people who "supported hostile Iranian acts". (BNA)

A Bahrain court sentenced five people to life in prison on Tuesday for plotting "terrorist and hostile acts" with Iran, which bombarded the Gulf kingdom during the Middle East war.

Another 25 people were jailed for up to 10 years for sharing images of Iranian attacks and expressing support for them, the public prosecution said.

The High Criminal Court sentenced two Afghans and three Bahrainis to life for colluding with Iran's Revolutionary Guards to monitor and photograph vital facilities.

A fourth Bahraini was acquitted, the public prosecution said, adding that it may appeal the verdict.

"The Public Prosecution affirms that the crime of communicating with hostile foreign entities against the Kingdom of Bahrain is considered one of the most serious crimes affecting national security," the statement said.

The other 25 were jailed for "supporting and endorsing" the attacks and filming and sharing prohibited images, a separate statement said.

Tuesday's sentences come a day after Bahrain revoked the citizenship of 69 people who "supported hostile Iranian acts".