Donations and Despair: Syria’s Northwest Tries to Rebuild after Quake

Intisar Sheikho, stands on rubble of the building where her brother Musheer and his family lived, that collapsed from last month's deadly earthquake in the opposition-held town of Jandaris, Syria March 12, 2023. (Reuters)
Intisar Sheikho, stands on rubble of the building where her brother Musheer and his family lived, that collapsed from last month's deadly earthquake in the opposition-held town of Jandaris, Syria March 12, 2023. (Reuters)
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Donations and Despair: Syria’s Northwest Tries to Rebuild after Quake

Intisar Sheikho, stands on rubble of the building where her brother Musheer and his family lived, that collapsed from last month's deadly earthquake in the opposition-held town of Jandaris, Syria March 12, 2023. (Reuters)
Intisar Sheikho, stands on rubble of the building where her brother Musheer and his family lived, that collapsed from last month's deadly earthquake in the opposition-held town of Jandaris, Syria March 12, 2023. (Reuters)

Hussein Mankawi has little hope he will ever rebuild his home and food distribution businesses in the northwest Syrian city of Jandaris after they were reduced to rubble by last month's deadly earthquake, wiping out his life's work.

"What can we do? We'll put up a tent instead. There is nothing but tents," he said, standing by the mangled ruins of his home in the rebel-held region.

The Feb. 6 earthquakes were the worst modern-day natural disasters to strike Syria and Türkiye, killing more than 56,000 people across the two countries.

Türkiye has pledged state-led efforts to rebuild more than 300,000 homes within the first year and the cash-strapped Syrian government has created a compensation fund for victims and offered temporary housing to the displaced.

But this help is unlikely to reach Syria's northwest, an enclave controlled by rival anti-government opposition factions and home to 4.5 million people -- 2 million of whom lived in tented camps even before the quake struck, according to the United Nations.

International organizations struggle to access the zone regularly and there has been no visible centralized reconstruction effort.

The UN says more than 100,000 people have been displaced in the region since the first quake struck.

On the edge of destitution and with nowhere to turn, residents are trying to make do on their own.

Mankawi is recovering what possessions he can with help from a local entrepreneur who agreed to move the rubble of his home in return for keeping the metal inside it - a deal underscoring the deep deprivation in the area.

"No-one is helping us at all. We've seen nothing," Mankawi said.

Obstacles

Damage has not been limited to homes.

In Jandaris, one of the hardest-hit areas, half of the 48 schools required reconstruction or repairs, as did more than 20 kilometers of water and sanitation networks and most of the city's roads, said Mahmoud Haffar, head of the local council.

But he said local authorities did not have the resources to rebuild.

"Frankly, local capabilities are very limited and (rebuilding) will require international help... there is no clear funding for reconstruction and repairs," he said.

Donors at an EU-led conference on Monday pledged 7 billion euros ($7.5bln) to help reconstruct Türkiye.

But the bloc has sanctions on Damascus in place and said it would only finance humanitarian assistance and early recovery but not full-scale reconstruction for as long as there is no political dialogue between Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his adversaries.

Foreign state funding for reconstruction in the region held by opposition factions, who seek Assad's ouster, faces additional stumbling blocks, according to three diplomats working on Syria.

The presence of rival armed groups in the region is one of the main issues, they say, noting that the most powerful group, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, is designated a terrorist organization by the US and United Nations.

Most international aid that has reached the area over the past decade has been earmarked for humanitarian relief, not reconstruction, a trend that was likely to continue, according to Karam Shaar, a political economist at the Middle East Institute think-tank.

"In the foreseeable future, people will continue to rely on private funding to reconstruct their buildings or just move to tents instead," he said.

Crowdfunded recovery

Before the quakes struck, Syrian NGO Molham Team was building a sprawling 1,500-unit housing complex in Azaz, driven by the ambitious goal of relocating families from tents into formal housing, team member Baraa Baboli said.

It was inspired by the realization that Syrians could not wait for help from outside, and was financed through online crowdfunding.

After the quake, Molham launched a new appeal, raising more than $11 million intended for the construction of an additional 2,300 units between Idlib, Salqin and Harem - all areas hit hard by the quake.

Meanwhile, property developers in the area say they have begun to adapt their construction plans to fit quake trauma and potential shortages in raw materials.

Abdo Zamzam, the director of a local construction company, said projects before the quake were mostly four- to five-story buildings but consultations with locals showed most people now wanted to live in one- or two-story buildings they deemed safer.

Price rises

Construction materials in the enclave are almost entirely imported from Türkiye, raising fears the Syrian zone could face shortages when mass reconstruction begins across the border or struggle to pay higher prices.

Prices of cement and metal have already risen by around 30 percent, according to developers and a Syrian border official, from $85 to more than $120 for a ton of cement, and from $600 to more than $800 for a ton of metal.

A senior Turkish official told Reuters authorities had not restricted exports of materials needed for construction - such as cement, sand and tiles - and had no plans to do so as these materials were abundant in Türkiye.

At the Turkish-Syrian border crossing at Cilvegozu, long lines of trucks, many loaded with cement from factories based in southern Türkiye purchased by private traders in Syria, have waited to cross into northwest Syria.

At the same crossing, tens of thousands of Syrians have crossed back into their homelands, many to rebuild their lives in the northwest, risking more pressure on already-scarce housing.

About 55,000 Syrians have returned since mid-February, Syrian opposition border official Mazen Alloush said, adding they had not yet recorded any trips back to Türkiye.

Ahmad al-Ahmad, a 22-year-old Syrian who worked as a tailor in the devastated Turkish city of Kahramanmaras, said he was moving back to Syria after both his home and workplace were heavily damaged.

He said he did not know what awaited him.

"We were looking for a better life," he said as he waited to be let through the border with his family.

"We migrated in order to settle down and now we are back to square one; displacement after displacement."



How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
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How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)

Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.

The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.

"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.

Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.

- Shortwave radio -

Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.

"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.

"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."

Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.

- Phone calls -

Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.

Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.

"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.

The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.

"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.

"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."

- VPN or other internet services -

Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.

But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.

Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.

Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.

Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.

With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.

Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.

Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.

A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.

- Satellite broadcasts -

Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.

Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.

From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.

The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.

From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.

Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.

- Starlink -

Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.

At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.

Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.

Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.

Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.


How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
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How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)

Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.

The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.

"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.

Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.

- Shortwave radio -

Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.

"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.

"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."

Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.

- Phone calls -

Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.

Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.

"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.

The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.

"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.

"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."

- VPN or other internet services -

Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.

But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.

Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.

Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.

Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.

With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.

Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.

Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.

A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.

- Satellite broadcasts -

Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.

Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.

From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.

The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.

From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.

Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.

- Starlink -

Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.

At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.

Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.

Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.

Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.


Will Ahmadinejad Return to the Political Scene in Iran?

Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)
Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)
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Will Ahmadinejad Return to the Political Scene in Iran?

Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)
Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)

A report by The Atlantic said the strike that hit a region close to Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s residence in the first days of the war on Iran has returned to the spotlight a still controversial political figure even though he left office for over a decade ago.

On the first day of the Iran war, the assassination of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei overshadowed news of a strike near Ahmadinejad’s home, said the report.

“Many who remembered his term in office - marked by Holocaust denial, atom-bomb fetishism, and shoving revolutionary ideology down the throats of a country already weary of it - celebrated his reported assassination,” it added. He was president from 2005 to 2013.

“Among those who have followed Ahmadinejad’s post-presidential career, however, his targeting was more of an enigma. Since leaving office, Ahmadinejad has harshly criticized the Iranian government, and as a result, Iran’s Guardian Council has formally excluded him from running for president,” said the report.

For more than a decade, he has been known more as a regime opponent than as a supporter. “I don’t understand why Israel would want to kill him in the first place,” Meir Javedanfar, who co-wrote a biography of Ahmadinejad, told The Atlantic. “Perhaps to settle scores? It makes no sense.”

Contrary to early reports, Ahmadinejad is alive, his associates revealed, requesting anonymity. “The circumstances of his survival may prove significant as the war drags on. Whatever the intent, Ahmadinejad’s associates say the strike was in effect a jailbreak operation that freed the former president from regime control.”

“Long before the war, the government had posted a small number of bodyguards near Ahmadinejad, nominally to protect a prominent citizen but also to keep tabs on him. The regime has never been sure what to do with him,” said the report.

About a month ago, after the January protests, his freedom of movement was further reduced, his phones confiscated, and the contingent of bodyguards increased from single digits to about 50. The bodyguards were based a few hundred meters from Ahmadinejad’s residence itself, at the entrance to a cul-de-sac in Narmak, in northeast Tehran. They established a checkpoint to monitor the houses and high school on that street.

“A February 28 strike hit not the residence, but the security forces nearby. In the ensuing mayhem, Ahmadinejad and his family evidently escaped their home and went underground. The government believed he had died, and his death was announced by official channels, as well as the reformist daily Sharq.”

“When rumors arose that Ahmadinejad had escaped, regime elements immediately suspected that he had been spirited away to take part in a coup,” said The Atlantic. “Ahmadinejad’s only public statement since the attack has been a brief eulogy for the supreme leader, calculated to show that Ahmadinejad was alive and to dispel speculation that he had declared himself an enemy of the state. His location is unknown to the government.”

In 2018, former Defense Minister Hussein Dehghan likened Ahmadinejad to “the door of the mosque, which can’t be burned or thrown away” without torching the mosque itself.

“Arresting Ahmadinejad could unsettle the regime,” Javedanfar said. “He knows a hell of a lot about it.”

“Ahmadinejad’s fans say that he has popular support, and that any postwar government will want him around to lend that support. If the current regime survives, it will need all the legitimacy it can get. If it does not, the United States might need someone with intimate - if outdated - knowledge of the Iranian state to be involved with what comes next. Ahmadinejad could still be useful,” the report said.