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Senate Passes Bill to Repeal Iraq War Authorizations

The first US soldiers to enter southern Iraq on March 21, 2003 (File photo: Reuters)
The first US soldiers to enter southern Iraq on March 21, 2003 (File photo: Reuters)
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Senate Passes Bill to Repeal Iraq War Authorizations

The first US soldiers to enter southern Iraq on March 21, 2003 (File photo: Reuters)
The first US soldiers to enter southern Iraq on March 21, 2003 (File photo: Reuters)

The US Senate voted Wednesday to repeal the 2002 Iraq war Authorizations for the Use of Military Force (AUMF) against Iraq.

Senators voted 66-30 to repeal the 2002 AUMF and the 1991 authorization, and the legislation now goes to the House of Representatives for a vote, after which it will be sent to President Joe Biden for approval.

The Congress is close to revoking the authorization for a war it approved in October 2002 after former President George W. Bush resorted to Congress to obtain his approval to launch military operations against Saddam Hussein's regime. The Democrats pushed hard to cancel the authorization and celebrated its approval.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said the US, Iraq, and the entire world had changed dramatically since 2002, and it's time the laws on the books catch up with those changes.

"These AUMFs have outlived their use," added Schumer.

Opponents of the repeal argued that it could project weakness as the US faces conflict in the Middle East.

Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnel said, "Our terrorist enemies aren't sunsetting their war against us."

"When we deploy our servicemembers in harm's way, we need to supply them with all the support and legal authorities that we can," he said, adding: "The 2002 AUMF bears directly on the threats we face today in Iraq and Syria from Iran-backed terrorists."

The Republicans sought to pass a series of amendments within the framework of canceling the mandate to address the Iranian threat, especially in light of the repeated attacks on US forces in Syria and Iraq.

The White House supported the Senate passage of the 2002 AUMF, adding that the US conducts no ongoing military activities that rely on the authorization.

"Repeal of these authorizations would have no impact on current US military operations and would support this Administration's commitment to a strong and comprehensive relationship with our Iraqi partners."

The statement said: "That partnership, which includes cooperation with the Iraqi Security Forces, continues at the invitation of the Government of Iraq in an advise, assist, and enable role."

Supporters of the repeal say that the administration has the necessary powers in the war against terrorism, following another authorization approved by Congress in 2001, after the 9/11 attacks, which the lawmakers are not seeking to rescind.

Congress approved it to give Bush broad authority to invade Afghanistan as part of the war against terrorism. Unlike the authorization for the war in Iraq, it does not explicitly mention any country. Instead, it approves using force against any nation, organization, or person that has planned or assisted in an attack against the United States.

The legislation now goes to the House of Representatives for a vote. Speaker Kevin McCarthy has signaled support for it and said it would likely be brought to the floor.

McCarthy said he supports keeping the 2001 authorization for the global war on terror in place.

"I support keeping the worldwide AUMF, so action can be taken if there's a terrorist anywhere in the world. But Iraq, we're 20 years into it, I don't have a problem repealing that," McCarthy said.

The US law gives the president the right to launch military strikes for reasons related to US national security but obliges him to inform Congress within 48 hours of launching any strike, and it also bans any US forces from remaining on the battlefield for more than sixty days without authorization.

The president cannot officially declare war without the consent of Congress.

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Arab World

Western Warnings about Muslim Brotherhood Bolster Egypt’s Crackdown on Group

The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)
The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)
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Western Warnings about Muslim Brotherhood Bolster Egypt’s Crackdown on Group

The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)
The Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters after being set ablaze in Cairo in the summer of 2013. (Getty Images)

US President Donald Trump’s warnings about the Muslim Brotherhood could strengthen Egypt’s efforts to restrict the group’s activities at home and abroad, researchers told Asharq Al-Awsat, following a series of Egyptian and Western measures targeting its networks.

Speaking to Salem News Channel on Thursday, Trump said the Brotherhood posed risks extending to the United States and Europe. Asked whether it or communists were more dangerous, he described both as major threats but suggested the Brotherhood currently posed the greater danger.

Mounir Adib, a researcher specializing in extremist movements and international terrorism, said Trump’s remarks reflected growing Western awareness of transnational networks.

Their significance lay in their timing, as Washington increasingly moved beyond warnings toward legal and financial measures against specific Brotherhood branches, he added.

Adib said the shift reinforced Egypt’s longstanding position that the organization uses institutions and affiliated entities to advance its political objectives.

Hesham al-Naggar, a researcher specializing in jihadist groups, described Trump’s comments as recognition of Egypt’s approach since 2013, although he considered Western measures insufficient.

He said Cairo’s initial efforts to dismantle the Brotherhood domestically and pursue its overseas networks encountered Western resistance, partly because of earlier expectations surrounding political Islam.

Attitudes have since shifted, including among some left-wing intellectuals, he noted.

On November 24, 2025, Trump signed an executive order directing the State and Treasury departments to consider terrorist designations for Brotherhood branches in Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon.

In January, Washington designated the Egyptian and Jordanian branches as Specially Designated Global Terrorists, while the Lebanese branch was also designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization.

The Sudanese Brotherhood received terrorist designations in March.

In May, the Trump administration outlined a counterterrorism strategy focusing on the Brotherhood as what it described as an ideological source of modern jihadist terrorism.

Argentina also designated the Egyptian, Jordanian and Lebanese branches earlier this year, while the European Parliament approved an October 8 resolution calling for a common EU strategy against Brotherhood networks.

Adib said these developments strengthened Cairo’s case for targeting financing channels and overseas operations, but stressed that international cooperation should rely on intelligence, evidence and legal procedures rather than political labels alone.

Al-Naggar said even limited Western measures would reinforce Egypt’s efforts.

Trump’s remarks followed Egypt’s decision to place the Brotherhood permanently on its terrorism list under a final court ruling published in the Official Gazette on Monday, after years of temporary designations.

Several Brotherhood leaders, including Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie, remain imprisoned in cases involving violence, terrorism and murder.

The following day, a Cairo criminal court issued a first-instance ruling placing 35 entities and 36 individuals based in Europe on Egypt’s terrorism lists for five years.

Adib said the next phase could bring closer US-European cooperation in intelligence sharing, monitoring financial flows and reviewing organizations linked to prohibited activities.

Al-Naggar called for a broader international response, including stronger security and intelligence cooperation, arguing that the issue extended beyond the Arab region to global security and stability.

Arab World

PMF-Led Government Committee Enters Iraq’s Jurf al-Sakhar

Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.
Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.
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PMF-Led Government Committee Enters Iraq’s Jurf al-Sakhar

Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.
Members of the committee in Jurf al-Sakhar on Friday in this photo released by platforms close to the PMF.

An Iraqi security committee began investigating suspected fuel smuggling in Jurf al-Sakhar, north of the Babil province, on Friday, amid mounting tensions between the government and Kataib Hezbollah over the area and efforts to bring weapons under state control.

Troops deployed around the area to secure the committee’s entry, but political mediation reportedly halted their advance amid disagreements over how the investigation would proceed.

Footage showed a large military deployment before committee members met commanders believed to be from the pro-Iran Kataib Hezbollah. Sabereen News, an outlet close to armed factions, broadcast a Kataib Hezbollah commander addressing Interior Ministry officers.

Security Media Cell chief Saad Maan denied that political groups or armed factions were represented on the committee, saying it had begun fieldwork early Friday.

A security source told Shafaq News that the committee conducted an initial inspection after agreeing with faction representatives on investigative procedures and field visits.

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi formed the committee Thursday, placing it under the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Its members represent the prime minister’s office, intelligence and anti-corruption bodies, the Oil Ministry, security agencies, forensic authorities and the Energy Police.

The November 12 order was signed by Lt. Gen. Abdul Amir al-Shammari, director of the commander-in-chief’s office.

The decision followed a three-hour meeting between al-Zaidi, Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri, PMF chairman Falih al-Fayyadh and chief of staff Abdul Aziz al-Muhammadawi, known as Abu Fadak.

According to Shafaq News, al-Zaidi demanded enforcement of Iraqi law against offenders, while al-Amiri and al-Fayyadh proposed giving the parties concerned time to reorganize and resume dialogue over weapons.

The proposal included continuing negotiations through a four-member committee seeking to resolve disputes and preserve stability.

A government adviser told Asharq Al-Awsat that Baghdad’s changing approach reflected the armed groups’ growing political influence.

“The state is not merely confronting forces that possess weapons; these forces have also become capable of influencing political decision-making,” the adviser said.

The government prioritizes restoring sovereignty without confronting society or its communities, he stressed.

Disputes over Kataib Hezbollah had already disrupted a planned Monday meeting between al-Zaidi and Coordination Framework leaders, while negotiations over bringing weapons under state control had produced no progress.

Separately, Babil Governor Ali Turki, affiliated with Asaib Ahl al-Haq, resigned after publicly denying oil smuggling in Jurf al-Sakhar.

Informed sources said his remarks were made without the federal government’s knowledge or coordination with Asaib’s leadership, prompting movement chief Qais al-Khazali to order his resignation.

Jurf al-Sakhar has been a major armed-faction stronghold since 2014. It is believed to contain military camps, prisons, weapons depots and rocket and drone manufacturing facilities.

Many also believe the area serves as an operations center for Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps, an allegation denied by faction representatives and parties in Iraq’s governing coalition.

Arab World

Lebanese Army Seizes Weapons Cache in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs, Raising Questions about Their Origins

The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
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Lebanese Army Seizes Weapons Cache in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs, Raising Questions about Their Origins

The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.

The Lebanese Army seized a large cache of weapons and ammunition during a raid on a warehouse in Musharrafieh, in Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Although the warehouse does not appear to belong to Hezbollah, the operation drew attention because it took place in the group’s stronghold, reviving debate over the state’s efforts to impose monopoly on arms.

The army said the raid followed “surveillance and monitoring of activities linked to weapons transportation and trafficking.” The seized weapons and ammunition were handed over, and an investigation into a detained suspect was launched under judicial supervision.

The army arrested a Lebanese citizen identified by the initials “A.A.” Its statement did not identify the warehouse’s owner or indicate any organizational affiliation.

According to information obtained by Asharq Al-Awsat, the owner belongs to a family from the Chiyah area and went into hiding immediately after the raid.

Retired Brig. Gen. Fadi Daoud told Asharq Al-Awsat that the raid was a preemptive security operation based on surveillance rather than a reaction to an immediate incident.

He noted that the army’s statement referred to weapons trafficking and transportation without attributing the warehouse to any particular organization.

“We therefore cannot hold any specific party responsible before the investigation is completed,” he said.

Daoud also warned that storing ammunition in the densely populated southern suburbs posed a direct threat to residents.

“This raid carries a dual message: domestically, that weapons fall exclusively under state authority, and internationally, that the army is serious and capable,” he said.

He described the raid as part of a broader process that began with the government’s decision to establish a state monopoly on arms, stressing the importance of awaiting the investigation’s findings and applying the same standards across all regions.

“The army has once again demonstrated its capabilities and will continue this approach consistently and transparently,” he added.

Possible sources

Military affairs observer Mustafa al-Asaad examined photographs of the seized weapons and suggested that the collection was more consistent with the activities of an experienced arms dealer than with preparations for direct military confrontation.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he considered it unlikely that the weapons formed part of military shipments sent from Iran to Lebanon.

“The variety of the weapons on display and their different origins indicate that the dealer does not rely on a single source but has an extensive network of contacts allowing him to obtain various types of firearms,” he said.

Al-Asaad noted that some of the pistols visible in the photographs are legally imported into Lebanon through established channels, while others appeared to have been smuggled or stolen from Iraq.

He pointed in particular to several Glock pistols, especially beige-colored models, resembling firearms used by Iraqi military and security agencies, including the police, army and special forces.

They may have reached Lebanon through a smuggling route from Iraq via Syria, although he cautioned that their origins could not be established without examining their serial numbers and identifying marks.

Al-Asaad also drew attention to a gold-plated Kalashnikov rifle, suggesting that some of the dealer’s customers might be collectors seeking distinctive firearms rather than weapons for combat.

He said the variety and quantity of weapons indicated considerable experience and connections within Lebanon’s arms trade, which has operated through established networks for decades.

Grenades and night-vision equipment

Al-Asaad also identified hand grenades and materials that could be used to manufacture explosives, although the quantities visible did not suggest an unusually large stockpile.

The collection included scopes and night-vision equipment used for military purposes but also available on the arms market.

He pointed to small automatic firearms resembling pistols, including models from the Skorpion family, which have historically been used in assassinations, including during the 1980s.

However, he stressed that their presence did not indicate preparations for assassinations, as such weapons could also appeal to collectors.

Al-Asaad compared the cache with arms seized by the Lebanese Army during previous raids in the Bekaa Valley, including rocket launchers and anti-armor weapons more clearly associated with direct military use.

He said that the latest photographs did not show any particularly unusual weapons that would be difficult to obtain on the Lebanese market.