Iraqis in Asylum Limbo in Jordan Fashion Their Future

Cornioli hopes the Rafedin label, meaning 'two rivers', will become widely known © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP
Cornioli hopes the Rafedin label, meaning 'two rivers', will become widely known © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP
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Iraqis in Asylum Limbo in Jordan Fashion Their Future

Cornioli hopes the Rafedin label, meaning 'two rivers', will become widely known © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP
Cornioli hopes the Rafedin label, meaning 'two rivers', will become widely known © Khalil MAZRAAWI / AFP

In a Jordanian church, Sarah Nael sews a shirt for a project that has provided scores of women who fled violence in neighbouring Iraq with skills to earn a living.

Many of the women escaped the extreme violence carried out by the ISIS's self-declared "caliphate" that cut across swathes of Iraq and Syria, before they eventually ended up in Jordan -- where they found themselves without work.

"Life here is very, very difficult -- if we don't work, we can't live," said Nael, a 25-year-old Christian from the northern Iraqi town of Qaraqosh, who joined the "Rafedin" sewing project two years ago.

It is based at St Joseph Catholic church in the Jordanian capital Amman.

Italian priest Mario Cornioli began the project in 2016, along with Italian designers and tailors.

The products, including dresses, jackets, belts and ties, are sold in Amman and Italy to raise funds.

For refugees, barred from seeking regular work, the project provides them with a way to supplement handouts from the United Nations.

"It's a safe place," said Nael, who has been taught to create clothes from cloth and leather, while her brother helps in the church's kitchen. "We are Iraqis. We are forbidden to work anywhere."

Since the project started, more than 120 women have benefited.

"We try to help them with dignity," said Cornioli, who runs the Habibi Valtiberina Association, an Italian charity in Jordan, AFP reported.

"A lot are the only ones working in their families."

On the tables in rooms in the church building, colourful rolls of cloth lie ready for cutting.

Cornioli hopes the "Rafedin" fashion label -- meaning "two rivers", the historical term for Iraq between the Euphrates and Tigris -- will become widely recognisable.

For the priest, the aim is to make the project "self-sustaining" to provide more training to women in need.

While the ISIS extremists were forced out of their Iraqi territory by a US-led alliance in late 2017, many of the refugees in Jordan are still too fearful to go back to their war-ravaged home.

Many are still waiting for their painfully slow asylum applications to other countries to be processed.

"This project allowed them to do something and to survive in this period," Cornioli said. "They are just waiting to leave."

Nael and her family returned home after ISIS was defeated in 2017, but they left again after being subjected to anonymous threats, and eventually sought safety in Amman.

Their applications for asylum in Australia have been rejected.

"My father is old, and my mother has cancer," she said, but added that going back to Iraq was out of the question. "We have nothing left there to return to."

Diana Nabil, 29, worked as an accountant in Iraq before fleeing to Jordan in 2017 with her parents and aunt, in the hope of joining her sister in Australia.

During her wait, she studied how to sew fabric and leather.

"Some of our relatives help us financially, and sometimes the United Nations helps us a bit," Nabil said. "With my work here, we are managing."

Cornioli said the project offers "the opportunity to learn something", pointing to "success stories" of some of the women who have since left Jordan, and are now working in Australia, Canada, and the United States.

Wael Suleiman, head of the Catholic aid agency Caritas in Jordan, estimated the country hosts as many as 13,000 Christian Iraqi refugees.

"They hope to obtain asylum and leave to a third country, but in light of what is going on in the world now, the doors seem to be closed to them," Suleiman said.

"They are afraid of the future, and no one can blame them for that."



Iran Faces Tough Choices in Deciding How to Respond to Israeli Strikes

This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)
This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)
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Iran Faces Tough Choices in Deciding How to Respond to Israeli Strikes

This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)
This satellite photo from Planet Labs PBC shows damaged buildings at Iran's Khojir military base outside of Tehran, Iran, Oct. 8, 2024. (Planet Labs PBC via AP)

It's Iran's move now.
How Iran chooses to respond to the unusually public Israeli aerial assault on its homeland could determine whether the region spirals further toward all-out war or holds steady at an already devastating and destabilizing level of violence.
In the coldly calculating realm of Middle East geopolitics, a strike of the magnitude that Israel delivered Saturday would typically be met with a forceful response. A likely option would be another round of the ballistic missile barrages that Iran has already launched twice this year, The Associated Press said.
Retaliating militarily would allow Iran's clerical leadership to show strength not only to its own citizens but also to Hamas in Gaza and Lebanon's Hezbollah, the militant groups battling Israel that are the vanguard of Tehran's so-called Axis of Resistance.
It is too soon to say whether Iran's leadership will follow that path.
Tehran may decide against forcefully retaliating directly for now, not least because doing so might reveal its weaknesses and invite a more potent Israeli response, analysts say.
“Iran will play down the impact of the strikes, which are in fact quite serious,” said Sanam Vakil, the director of the Middle East and North Africa program at the London-based think tank Chatham House.
She said Iran is “boxed in" by military and economic constraints, and the uncertainty caused by the US election and its impact on American policy in the region.
Even while the Mideast wars rage, Iran's reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian has been signaling his nation wants a new nuclear deal with the US to ease crushing international sanctions.
A carefully worded statement from Iran’s military Saturday night appeared to offer some wiggle room for Iran to back away from further escalation. It suggested that a cease-fire in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon was more important than any retaliation against Israel.
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, Iran's ultimate decision-maker, was also measured in his first comments on the strike Sunday. He said the attack “should not be exaggerated nor downplayed,” and he stopped short of calling for an immediate military response.
Saturday's strikes targeted Iranian air defense missile batteries and missile production facilities, according to the Israeli military.
With that, Israel has exposed vulnerabilities in Iran’s air defenses and can now more easily step up its attacks, analysts say.
Satellite photos analyzed by The Associated Press indicate Israel's raid damaged facilities at the Parchin military base southeast of Tehran that experts previously linked to Iran's onetime nuclear weapons program and another base tied to its ballistic missile program.
Current nuclear sites were not struck, however. Rafael Mariano Grossi, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, confirmed that on X, saying “Iran’s nuclear facilities have not been impacted.”
Israel has been aggressively bringing the fight to the Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah, killing its leader and targeting operatives in an audacious exploding pager attack.
“Any Iranian attempt to retaliate will have to contend with the fact that Hezbollah, its most important ally against Israel, has been significantly degraded and its conventional weapons systems have twice been largely repelled,” said Ali Vaez, the Iran project director at the International Crisis Group, who expects Iran to hold its fire for now.
That's true even if Israel held back, as appears to be the case. Some prominent figures in Israel, such as opposition leader Yair Lapid, are already saying the attacks didn't go far enough.
Regional experts suggested that Israel's relatively limited target list was intentionally calibrated to make it easier for Iran to back away from escalation.
As Yoel Guzansky, who formerly worked for Israel’s National Security Council and is now a researcher at the Tel Aviv-based Institute for National Security Studies, put it: Israel's decision to focus on purely military targets allows Iran "to save face.”
Israel's target choices may also be a reflection at least in part of its capabilities. It is unlikely to be able to destroy Iran's nuclear facilities on its own and would require help from the United States, Guzansky said.
Besides, Israel still has leverage to go after higher-value targets should Iran retaliate — particularly now that nodes in its air defenses have been destroyed.
“You preserve for yourself all kinds of contingency plans,” Guzansky said.
Thomas Juneau, a University of Ottawa professor focused on Iran and the wider Middle East, wrote on X that the fact Iranian media initially downplayed the strikes suggests Tehran may want to avoid further escalation. Yet it's caught in a tough spot.
“If it retaliates, it risks an escalation in which its weakness means it loses more,” he wrote. “If it does not retaliate, it projects a signal of weakness.”
Vakil agreed that Iran's response was likely to be muted and that the strikes were designed to minimize the potential for escalation.
“Israel has yet again shown its military precision and capabilities are far superior to that of Iran,” she said.
One thing is certain: The Mideast is in uncharted territory.
For decades, leaders and strategists in the region have speculated about whether and how Israel might one day openly strike Iran, just as they wondered what direct attacks by Iran, rather than by its proxy militant groups, would look like.
Today, it's a reality. Yet the playbook on either side isn't clear, and may still be being written.
“There appears to be a major mismatch both in terms of the sword each side wields and the shield it can deploy,” Vaez said.
“While both sides have calibrated and calculated how quickly they climb the escalation ladder, they are in an entirely new territory now, where the new red lines are nebulous and the old ones have turned pink,” he said.