Al-Faisal Made Historic Decisions to Preserve the Grand Mosque’s Porticoes

King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.
King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.
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Al-Faisal Made Historic Decisions to Preserve the Grand Mosque’s Porticoes

King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.
King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.

During the second phase of the first Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque (1381 AH - 1961 AD to 1388 AH - 1968 AD), the rest of the vaults were built and roofed, while the construction of the ground floor for all the corridors was completed.
Three minarets were also constructed, one next to Al-Safa, and two next to King Abdul Aziz Gate. The arch of Bani Shaybah Gate was removed from the mosque. This phase saw the accession to power of King Faisal, on Jumada II 27, 1384 AH, corresponding to November 2, 1964.
The work of the first Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque continued during the reign of King Faisal and witnessed important changes. The project was restructured and the Egyptian advisory office, which consisted of Mahmoud Omar and Yahya Mustafa, was replaced.
On the 10th of Jumada I, 1386 AH (August 25, 1966), Pakistan’s Association of Consulting Engineers was appointed as a new consultant for the project in order to meet the deadlines set by the relevant government committees. However, a major amendment occurred in the planning the following year, when King Faisal issued an order, preventing the demolishing of the old arcades, which required changes and modifications in the design of the new Saudi building in order to link it to the existing arcades.
Officials in the Ministry of Finance and National Economy suggested inviting the most famous international architects and engineers from various Islamic countries to conduct the necessary studies and find engineering solutions.
King Faisal received the members of this commission on the morning of Saturday, Rajab 11, 1387 AH, corresponding to October 4, 1967, at Shubra Palace in Taif. The commission: Dr. Reha Masara from Türkiye, Dr. Muhammad Ali Adebi from Iran, Eng. Mohammad Taher al-Juwayni from Egypt, Dr. Omar Azzam from Saudi Arabia, Dr. Ehsan Barbuti from Iraq, Eng. Haji Mohammad Basu from Morocco, Eng. Mohammad Fayyaduddin from India, and Eng. Khaja Azimuddin from Pakistan.
Following several meetings, the experts concluded that the old building required major repairs and renovations. Thus, the commission recommended that the old porticoes be preserved on the western side of the Grand Mosque, from the Umrah Gate to the King Abdul Aziz Gate, because this part was almost parallel to the new expansion and consistent with the general planning. As for the other parts, the commission said they should be demolished.
The committee also recommended the construction of arcs with a width of five meters in the facade of the new building, in the same architectural style as the old porticoes, in order to preserve the aesthetic and architectural form of the corridors of the Grand Mosque.
King Faisal’s historic decision to preserve the identity of the Grand Mosque
After King Faisal was informed of the findings of the advisory body, he did not agree to demolish the old portico, which was four hundred years old. He issued his historic decision not to demolish it and to make every effort to preserve it, and to take into account its harmony with the new architecture, regardless of the considerations of the costs that this effort may require.
Dr. Mansour Al-Daajani confirmed that this historic decision guaranteed the survival of one of the most important Islamic architectural monuments, which abounds with many historical evidence, such as inscriptions, writings and columns dating back to the era of the Abbasid caliph Muhammad al-Mahdi, and architectural elements dating back to the Abbasid, Mamluk and Ottoman eras.
The fourth and last phase of the Grand Mosque expansion (1393 AH - 1973 AD to 1396 AH - 1976 AD), extended to the era of King Khalid, who assumed power on Rabi` al-Awwal 13 1395 AH - March 25, 1975.
The expansion project was completed on Rajab 4, 1396 AH (July, 4 1976). The idea of linking the columns to the historical arcades has created this beautiful architectural consistency - a unique achievement in the history of the expansion of the Grand Mosque in particular, and architecture in general.
In continuation of the first Saudi expansion, and in order to provide comfort for the worshippers, an additional expansion of the Mataf began during the reign of King Khalid in 1398 AH - 1978 AD.
The capacity of the Mataf was increased to accommodate 28,000 worshippers at the same time. In addition to the electric fans, Al-Masa’ was cooled with air conditioners for the first time in the history of the Grand Mosque.
King Khalid also ordered the manufacture of a new door for the Holy Kaaba to replace the door that was installed during the reign of King Abdulaziz.
The surrounding squares and roads leading to the Grand Mosque were also expanded, and a number of tunnels were opened for the first time to facilitate traffic and access to the mosque.
During the reign of King Khalid, in the year 1401 AH - 1981 AD, Al-Safa Palace was built on Mount Abu Qubays, overlooking the Grand Mosque, to be the seat of the king and the guests of the state.
The project of King Abdulaziz to expand the Grand Mosque and renew its architecture, or what has been called “the first Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque”, has lasted for about a quarter of a century and passed through multiple stages.
It was a strategic project and foundational expansion that was supervised by kings and followed by Saudi officials at all levels. More than 55,000 experts, engineers, technicians, employees and workers participated in its implementation.
The project constituted a quantum leap in the history of the expansion and architecture of the Grand Mosque in Makkah. The total area of ​​the expansion buildings, in addition to the surrounding arenas, reached around 200,000 square meters, more than six times its previous area, accommodating at peak times up to 400,000 worshipers.
Al-Fahd leads the second Saudi expansion
Several years after the completion of the first Saudi expansion works, there was an urgent need for a new extension of the Grand Mosque due to the increase in the number of pilgrims. King Fahd issued an order to start making the necessary studies and designs for the project and drawing detailed executive plans. Specific timetables have been set for each phase.
King Fahd laid the foundation stone for the second Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque (King Fahd expansion) on Safar 2, 1409 AH - January 15, 1989 AD.
The project included adding a new part in the western side of the mosque, in the small market area between Bab Al-Amra and King Abdulaziz Gate, in addition to creating new squares, in order to raise the capacity of the Grand Mosque to the maximum extent.
After completing the structural and architectural phase of the project, King Fahd proceeded with the technical and aesthetic side, where the walls and columns were covered with marble and artificial stone, with the use of beautiful geometric shapes.
Dr. Mansour Al-Dajani says: “This expansion saw no changes in the geometric and architectural shape of the old arcades... However, the reign of King Fahd, which lasted for twenty-four years, witnessed continuous maintenance work that included the columns, arches and domes of the Grand Mosque.... Loudspeakers were also placed on the facades of the porticoes...”
Moreover, comprehensive restoration works of the Holy Kaaba were carried out, and were completed in the year 1417 AH - 1997 AD. This came in parallel with the establishment of the Makkah Construction and Development Company (a public joint stock company) to develop real estate adjacent to the Grand Mosque, which contributed to raising the level of residential facilities, hotel services and markets around Al-Masjid al-Haram.
The second Saudi expansion was completed through six phases, and works officially ended on the 30th of Dhu al-Qi`dah 1413 AH - April 22, 1993 AD. The total area of the mosque and the surrounding squares reached about 400,000 square meters, while the capacity was increased to accommodate about 800,000 worshipers. The costs of the second Saudi expansion amounted to more than 30 billion riyals ($8 billion).



Netanyahu Might Be Finished but His Policies Toward the Palestinians Will Largely Endure

A view of the Israeli settlement of Itamar from the village of Awarta, south of Nablus in the West Bank, 20 October 2026. (EPA)
A view of the Israeli settlement of Itamar from the village of Awarta, south of Nablus in the West Bank, 20 October 2026. (EPA)
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Netanyahu Might Be Finished but His Policies Toward the Palestinians Will Largely Endure

A view of the Israeli settlement of Itamar from the village of Awarta, south of Nablus in the West Bank, 20 October 2026. (EPA)
A view of the Israeli settlement of Itamar from the village of Awarta, south of Nablus in the West Bank, 20 October 2026. (EPA)

Israel's elections Tuesday could mark the end of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's decades-long political career.

But his legacy in the Israeli-occupied West Bank — of massive settlement expansion, the displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinians and the empowerment of armed settler extremists — will likely endure, even if his opponents seek to rein it in.

Israelis are deeply divided over Netanyahu's leadership and moral character, but they largely support settlement expansion and are opposed to a Palestinian state. So, while Netanyahu's opponents have vowed to crack down on settler violence and remove the most contentious outposts, they are mostly against a two-state solution, seen internationally as the only realistic way to resolve the conflict.

“There shouldn’t be any illusions,” said Mairav Zonszein, senior Israel analyst at the International Crisis Group.

“At best, (a new government) would be able to slow down the extremely crazy acceleration that we’ve seen in the last four years of every aspect of Israel’s aggression in the occupied territories and inside Israel itself.”

An Israeli settler takes photographs of Palestinian farmers and foreign activists gathered to pick olives in the village of Turmus Ayya, northeast of Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on October 21, 2026. (AFP)

The military stands down in the face of settler violence

One legacy of Netanyahu’s nearly unbroken 17-year rule — the longest of any Israeli leader — is that large groups of armed settlers now routinely defy the Israeli military as they rampage through Palestinian communities, drive people from their homes and seize ever larger swaths of their land.

Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack out of Gaza turbocharged the process. Netanyahu's opponents could bring in more troops and authorize stricter measures, but the genie may already be out of the bottle.

Netanyahu's government has distributed thousands of firearms to the settlers, who have allies in the military and security forces. Some extremist settlers have become like sheriffs — making arrests, killing Palestinians they say posed a threat, summoning security forces and driving Palestinian families from their homes.

The Palestinian Tubasi family was forced out in July after settlers besieged their hilltop home in the West Bank village of Jalud for 19 days. The settlers cut off their water access and their electricity, and threatened to “barbecue” them if they didn’t leave, said Mahmoud Tubasi, 60, the patriarch.

An Israeli court ordered the military to bring the family back, but that hasn't happened. Troops aborted their latest mission soon after it began, when a mob of over 150 armed settlers quickly assembled, scaled the walls of the home and set a car on fire.

Troops threw Tubasi and his family into an armored jeep and drove them away as settlers torched the place. They now live in relatives' houses in the valley below their gutted and blackened home, around which settlers still roam.

Israel’s military did not respond to a request for comment.

“If they wanted to evacuate them, of course, 100%, they can do that,” Tubasi said. “This is an army that fights in Lebanon, Gaza and in Iran — they can’t control 150 or 200 settlers?”

Palestinian Hanan Hamayei gestures as she stands near the shattered glass of her home following a reported attack by Israeli settlers, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank village of Turmus Ayya on October 19, 2026. (AFP)

The process is repeated across the West Bank

Under Netanyahu, settlers have established over 250 rustic camps across the territory, focusing particularly on areas where Palestinian herding communities have dwelled for decades.

The outposts allow the settlers to effectively run Palestinians off vast rural areas by attacking shepherds, taking over water resources and grazing their own herds, all under the eye of Israeli troops.

Dror Etkes, a researcher with an Israeli anti-settlement group, says the outposts have allowed the settlers to seize effective control of around a fifth of the West Bank. Israel captured the territory, along with Gaza and east Jerusalem, in the 1967 Middle East war. The Palestinians want all three territories for their future state.

Since 2023, the strategy has forced at least 127 Palestinian herding communities off their land, according to data gathered by Etkes' organization, known as Kerem Navot, and B'Tselem, another Israeli anti-settlement group.

The departures have cleared nearly the entire eastern flank of the West Bank, along the border with Jordan, of Palestinians. The settlers' explicit goal is to prevent the establishment of a viable Palestinian state.

Netanyahu’s opponents say they will go after the most violent settlers and dismantle outposts, which are illegal under Israeli law. But they will not evacuate the over 100 new settlements Netanyahu's government legalized, including 44 that were formerly outposts. Nor will they remove settlements dating back decades, many of which now resemble fully developed suburbs.

Most of the international community views all Israeli settlements as illegal and an obstacle to a two-state solution. Israel views the West Bank as the biblical and historical heartland of the Jewish people and says its future status should be decided by negotiations, which have not been held in over a decade.

Even if some outposts are removed, many Palestinians seeking to return would find their homes burned and looted, and would continue to face threats from nearby settlers.

“The story is over. There will be no massive dismantlement of settlement,” said Etkes. “It’s now a full and prouder-than-ever apartheid regime.”

Amnesty International and other major rights groups accused Israel of the international crime of apartheid even before the Oct. 7 attack and its aftermath. Israel denies the allegation.

Palestinians harvest their olive trees in the Israeli-occupied West Bank village of Deir Abu Mashal on October 19, 2026. (AFP)

Netanyahu's opponents promise modest change

The politician most likely to replace Netanyahu as prime minister is retired general Gadi Eisenkot, a political centrist. He hopes to form a majority coalition with three other parties spanning Israel's political spectrum and without Arab-led parties advocating a two-state solution.

Beth Oppenheim, an Israel analyst for the European Council on Foreign Relations, said the opposition has “struggled to formulate a convincing alternative" to the right's new security strategy of “aggressively preempting threats, maintaining complete freedom of operation and imposing buffer zones.”

Palestinian attacks, like a shooting on Friday that killed two Israeli soldiers, and efforts on the right to cast the Israeli left as enemy sympathizers, have taken their toll. “The net effect is that talk of ‘peace’ and compromise has become politically toxic,” Oppenheim said.

Eisenkot does not support a Palestinian state, but is open to limited self-rule in the 40% of the West Bank currently administered by the Palestinian Authority under agreements reached in the 1990s. He would allow settlement growth in the other 60% of the territory, which is under direct Israeli military rule.

He has also vowed to empower Israeli troops and paramilitary Border Police to crack down on settler violence.

Eisenkot “is interested in lowering the friction in the West Bank and interested in definitely lowering the sanctions and the intention for sanctions by European countries,” Zonszein said. “He’ll do kind of the minimum necessary to get the maximum effect.”

Eisenkot's prospective allies include left-wing politicians who oppose settlements and have favored a two-state solution, but they have agreed to set those positions aside to form a coalition to oust Netanyahu.

Israeli leaders have long balanced their ambitions in the occupied territories with demands from Washington aimed at resolving the conflict. But they are unlikely to face any significant pressure from US President Donald Trump, who endorsed Netanyahu and has long backed his policies.


Four Ways US Foreign Policy Could Change if Democrats Win in November

 24 October 2026, US, New York: Lower Manhattan residents cast their ballots at the Borough of Manhattan Community College polling site in Tribeca. (dpa)
24 October 2026, US, New York: Lower Manhattan residents cast their ballots at the Borough of Manhattan Community College polling site in Tribeca. (dpa)
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Four Ways US Foreign Policy Could Change if Democrats Win in November

 24 October 2026, US, New York: Lower Manhattan residents cast their ballots at the Borough of Manhattan Community College polling site in Tribeca. (dpa)
24 October 2026, US, New York: Lower Manhattan residents cast their ballots at the Borough of Manhattan Community College polling site in Tribeca. (dpa)

Nonpartisan analysts say Democrats stand a good ‌chance of winning the US House of Representatives and possibly the Senate in the November 3 midterm elections, which would give them a slice of power in Washington after two years of Republican control.

Democrats argue that Republicans have allowed President Donald Trump's administration to declare war and control spending, even though the US Constitution reserves those powers for lawmakers.

Here are some ways a Democratic Congress could hem in Trump's foreign policy.

CURB THE IRAN WAR

Trump did not secure approval from Congress before he launched the war with Iran on February 28, and Democrats have voted repeatedly to end the fighting unless he does so. One of these resolutions passed with support from a handful of Republicans, but Trump's administration ignored it.

With control of the House or ‌the Senate, Democrats ‌could cut defense spending to pressure Trump to obtain permission from Congress ‌to ⁠continue the war. ⁠They could also require administration officials to testify publicly about their plans.

FRESH SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE

Trump has largely halted direct US financial and military aid to Ukraine, despite broad support from Democratic and Republican lawmakers as it fights a Russian invasion.

Most recently, he has angered members of Congress, including many Republicans, by lifting sanctions on Russian diesel and waiving sanctions on Russian energy only weeks after signing them into law.

With a victory in both chambers in November, Democrats would be ⁠able to decide what gets voted on and when.

That could allow ‌them to approve new aid to Ukraine, which likely ‌would pass with the two-thirds majorities needed to overcome a Trump veto.

They could also target other ‌Trump activities. For example, Representative Gregory Meeks of New York, who could head the House ‌Foreign Affairs Committee if Democrats win control, has introduced bipartisan legislation to block Trump's plan to bring Russian diesel back into the global market.

END MILITARY AID TO ISRAEL

Support for Israel has plummeted among Democrats over its conduct in the Gaza war, which has killed tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians. The ‌ongoing violence in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's close alliance with Republicans have also been factors.

Democrats could limit ⁠or end military ⁠aid to Israel, which amounted to $3.8 billion in the most recent fiscal year. That is more than was provided to any other country.

Nearly half of House Democrats voted this summer to cut off aid to Israel. Some of those who voted against that effort, such as Meeks, have backed limits on providing weapons like heavy bombs to Israel.

LIMIT MILITARY SPENDING AND RESTORE FOREIGN AID

Democrats are far more likely than Trump's Republicans to limit military spending. Trump asked for an unprecedented 67% increase in the military budget this year, to $1.5 trillion, but Democrats blocked it in the Senate, citing his refusal to consult Congress about the Iran war and his steep cuts to social programs.

Trump has also withheld or canceled billions of dollars in foreign aid approved by Congress. Many Democrats have been angered by the cuts and say they will try to restore funding.


Beirut’s $13 Chicken Sandwich Becomes Symbol of Lebanon Divide

A chef prepares a chicken taouk sandwich at Glow Paradise restaurant in Beirut, Lebanon, October 16, 2026. (Reuters)
A chef prepares a chicken taouk sandwich at Glow Paradise restaurant in Beirut, Lebanon, October 16, 2026. (Reuters)
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Beirut’s $13 Chicken Sandwich Becomes Symbol of Lebanon Divide

A chef prepares a chicken taouk sandwich at Glow Paradise restaurant in Beirut, Lebanon, October 16, 2026. (Reuters)
A chef prepares a chicken taouk sandwich at Glow Paradise restaurant in Beirut, Lebanon, October 16, 2026. (Reuters)

Seven years after Lebanon’s devastating financial meltdown, a debate over a chicken sandwich has exposed an increasingly stark divide between those who can still spend freely and those struggling to get by.

A trendy health restaurant wanted to offer its calorie-conscious customers a healthier take on the beloved Levantine wrap known as the shish taouk. So, The Glow Paradise launched the “Chic Taouk,” pricing it at around $13 -- nearly double what an un-chic chicken sandwich typically goes for in Beirut.

The pricey pun proved hard to swallow, with outraged critics accusing the restaurant of overcharging in a country where many households struggle to afford basic necessities.

Yet while the debate raged on social media, customers kept buying. The Glow Paradise sold more than ‌20,000 Chic ‌Taouk sandwiches in just 11 days, according to managing partner Hrag Jeghalian, who described ‌the ⁠online exchanges as "natural marketing".

The ⁠contrasting reactions touched a nerve in Lebanon, where years of financial turmoil, political dysfunction and conflict have reshaped the country's social landscape, hollowing out much of the middle class while leaving a smaller group of consumers able to sustain an affluent lifestyle.

DEBATE PULLS FOCUS AWAY FROM URGENT CRISES

Sami Nader, an economist at the Saint Joseph University of Beirut, said the throngs at The Glow Paradise belied another reality.

“So you see people in the restaurant, but what you don't see is that 22 restaurants closed last month,” Nader told Reuters.

Lebanon’s ⁠Instagram-active community was split between those accusing the restaurant of theft and others ‌saying the sandwich was intended for those who could afford ‌it.

Some questioned whether the dispute itself reflected misplaced priorities in a country grappling with urgent crises, from Israel’s occupation of ‌large swaths of the country’s south to the endemic electricity and water crises.

Lebanon’s 2019 financial collapse ‌was prompted by decades of corruption and profligate spending by the ruling elite, and several rounds of conflict since then have worsened the country’s economic outlook.

GDP has declined by nearly 40% since 2019 and inflation is expected to rise to 17.5% due to rising global energy and shipping prices eating away at people’s purchasing power, according to the ‌World Bank. The figure is more than quadruple the global headline inflation rate flagged by the International Monetary Fund in July.

Four in five households in ⁠Lebanon struggle to afford ⁠basic necessities, the UN children’s agency said in September.

'PEOPLE CAN'T KEEP UP'

The country’s middle class has “disappeared,” Nader said, dismantled by a series of crises including the collapse of the financial system in 2019, the 2020 Beirut Port explosion and two wars in under two years.

Monthly bills from private generator operators, which provide electricity to many homes and businesses during outages on Lebanon's failing national grid, jumped by nearly 20% in August 2026 alone, bringing rates nearly 60% higher than they were in February of this year, according to the kilowatt-hour prices set by Lebanon’s energy ministry.

For many, that means paying for 24/7 electricity now costs several hundred dollars a month, in a country where the minimum wage is set at $400.

“Everything has become expensive, and people can’t keep up,” said Fouad Fakhreddine, a 53-year-old restaurant worker from nearby Hamra. “We are now getting paid, then getting in debt over that just to get by.”

The years of economic instability, he said, have produced “a class that is living, and a class that is not dead and waiting to die from the unbearable situation it is in.”