Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon on Alert in Wake of Gaza Escalation

People hold Palestinian flags during a rally to express solidarity with Palestinians, in Kfar Kila village near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, October 8, 2023. (Reuters)
People hold Palestinian flags during a rally to express solidarity with Palestinians, in Kfar Kila village near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, October 8, 2023. (Reuters)
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Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon on Alert in Wake of Gaza Escalation

People hold Palestinian flags during a rally to express solidarity with Palestinians, in Kfar Kila village near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, October 8, 2023. (Reuters)
People hold Palestinian flags during a rally to express solidarity with Palestinians, in Kfar Kila village near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, October 8, 2023. (Reuters)

Head of Hamas’ National Relations Abroad Ali Baraka denied on Monday claims that the Al-Aqsa Storm operation against Israel was planned by officials that included “resistance axis” members in Beirut.

In southern Lebanon, Palestinians rallied at the border with Israel in support of the operation and to condemn the Israeli assault on Gaza. Some demonstrators threw rocks towards Israel, while others attempted to infiltrate the border, leading to clashes.

Baraka told Asharq Al-Awsat: “It would be difficult to rein in the people given Israel’s vicious retaliation.”

He did not rule out the possibility of operations being launched from Lebanon.

Israel’s military said early Tuesday that a deputy Israeli commander was killed in clashes on the northern border with Lebanon.

The military identified the deputy commander as Alim Abdallah, but did not specify the exact circumstances of his death.

Palestinian militants from the Islamic Jihad group slipped from Lebanon into Israel, prompting Israeli shelling into southern Lebanon. Lebanon’s Hezbollah party said five of its members were killed, and it retaliated with a volley of rockets and mortars at two Israeli army bases across the border.

Baraka made his remarks prior to these developments.

“We had hoped that all fronts would have been opened against the enemy. We could have reclaimed all of our occupied territories,” he added.

Hamas was the sole party that planned the Al-Aqsa Storm surprise operation against Israel, he stressed, denying that Beirut, Damascus or Tehran were involved.

“We are a resistance defending our land and we take our decisions independently,” Baraka stated.

Leading Fatah member in Lebanon Mounir al-Maqdah told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Palestinian refugee camps are on alert.

The Palestinian people in the Palestinian territories or abroad are one, he declared.

“Every Palestinian, no matter where they are, must be prepared to come to the aid of our people in Gaza to defeat the occupation,” he added.

“We will not remain silent over the massacres that are taking place in Gaza. Should the assault continue, we are prepared to wage a major battle that would completely end the occupation,” he warned.

On whether he supports attacks on Israel from southern Lebanon, he replied: “We are waiting to see how things develop. Our people are fighting on their land and we are prepared to stand by their side and fight with them.”

Lebanon is hosting some 230,000 Palestinian refugees, according to statistics from the Central Administration of Statistics and the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. They are spread throughout 12 refugee camps in Lebanon.

In an outdated survey conducted 11 years ago, UNRWA says some 483,000 Palestinians are living in Lebanon.



Lebanon Voices Official Anger at Hamas over Refusal to Hand over Weapons

Lebanese army soldiers stand next to a truck carrying weapons at the Burj al-Barajneh Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut, Lebanon, 29 August 2025. (EPA)
Lebanese army soldiers stand next to a truck carrying weapons at the Burj al-Barajneh Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut, Lebanon, 29 August 2025. (EPA)
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Lebanon Voices Official Anger at Hamas over Refusal to Hand over Weapons

Lebanese army soldiers stand next to a truck carrying weapons at the Burj al-Barajneh Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut, Lebanon, 29 August 2025. (EPA)
Lebanese army soldiers stand next to a truck carrying weapons at the Burj al-Barajneh Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut, Lebanon, 29 August 2025. (EPA)

As the Lebanese army presses ahead with efforts to seize weapons inside Palestinian refugee camps across the country, a key question remains unresolved: what will become of Hamas’s arsenal in Lebanon, as the group continues to defy a government decision and a Lebanese-Palestinian agreement requiring it to hand over its arms.

Official Lebanese frustration with Hamas and allied factions has reached unprecedented levels, driven by their refusal to hand over medium and heavy weapons located south of the Litani River, specifically in the Rashidieh Palestinian refugee camp.

The deadline set by the Lebanese army to complete the first phase of the government’s decision to impose state monopoly over arms, which covers the area between the Litani River and the Israeli border, expires at the end of 2025.

The government is expected to announce during a meeting in early 2026 the completion of the first phase and the move to implement the second one, in an effort to head off Israeli threats to launch a new round of war to counter what Israel describes as attempts by Hezbollah to rebuild its military capabilities.

The hardline stance taken by Hamas and other factions has raised questions, particularly as Hezbollah has complied and handed over its weapons south of the Litani. This has heightened concerns over the safety and stability of the Rashidieh camp if Israel decides to target weapons believed to include medium and heavy arms stored inside it.

External mediation efforts

A senior official told Asharq Al-Awsat that Lebanon has sought external mediation to address the issue of Hamas’s weapons, and that these countries have exerted pressure on the group, so far without success.

Sources following the file said that Fatah’s handover on Tuesday of a new batch of weapons from the Ain al-Hilweh camp was a renewed attempt to pressure Hamas into surrendering its arms.

Head of the Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee Ambassador Ramez Dimashkieh openly expressed official Lebanese dissatisfaction with Hamas and allied factions and with their handling of the issue.

“As long as these factions declare that they operate under the authority of the Lebanese state, they are supposed to abide by the state’s decisions, not resort to stalling by linking the handover to the issue of rights,” Dimashkieh told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“We know there are rights and demands, and we are working seriously on this file, but we reject any bargaining between one file and another.”

He said there was no benefit in holding broad meetings with the factions, stressing that Hamas and its allies should instead contact the Lebanese army directly to set dates for handing over weapons, just as the Palestine Liberation Organization factions have done.

Hamas, Islamic Jihad and other allied factions reject the decisions of the Lebanese Palestinian summit that was held earlier this year, arguing that the Lebanese state should resolve the Palestinian file in Lebanon as a single package, and should not prioritize weapons over Palestinian rights and demands.

Sources in Hamas told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group is still waiting for Dimashkieh to invite all factions to dialogue on the weapons issue and outstanding files related to Palestinian rights, with the aim of agreeing on a framework paper for a solution.

They said Dimashkieh had promised during the last meeting to call for such talks, but no invitation has been made.

There appears to be no Lebanese political or military plan to forcibly collect Palestinian weapons.

Military sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the army’s current role regarding the remaining weapons inside the camps is limited to preventing the entry or exit of arms, with security measures tightened at the main and secondary entrances to camps across Lebanon.

Fifth batch of Fatah weapons handed over

Meanwhile, the Lebanese army announced on Tuesday that, as part of the ongoing process to remove weapons from Palestinian camps, it had taken delivery of a quantity of Palestinian arms from the Ain al-Hilweh camp in southern Lebanon, in coordination with the relevant Palestinian authorities.

The army stated that the handover included various types of weapons and ammunition, which were received by specialized military units for inspection and further processing.

For its part, the Palestinian National Security Forces in Lebanon, the military wing of Fatah, said in a statement that its forces had completed on Tuesday the handover of the fifth batch of heavy weapons belonging to the Palestine Liberation Organization at the Ain al-Hilweh camp in Sidon.

The statement said the move was in implementation of the joint presidential statement issued by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun in May, and the subsequent work of the joint Lebanese-Palestinian committee tasked with following up on camp conditions and improving living standards.

The total number of Palestinian refugees registered with UNRWA in Lebanon stands at 489,292. More than half live in 12 organized camps recognized by UNRWA.


New Evidence Bolsters Theory of Mossad Role in Abduction of Retired Lebanese Officer

Israeli pilot Ron Arad, who went missing in southern Lebanon in 1986. (Israeli Air Force)
Israeli pilot Ron Arad, who went missing in southern Lebanon in 1986. (Israeli Air Force)
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New Evidence Bolsters Theory of Mossad Role in Abduction of Retired Lebanese Officer

Israeli pilot Ron Arad, who went missing in southern Lebanon in 1986. (Israeli Air Force)
Israeli pilot Ron Arad, who went missing in southern Lebanon in 1986. (Israeli Air Force)

A growing body of evidence from Lebanese security and judicial investigations is strengthening suspicions that Israel’s Mossad intelligence service orchestrated the luring and abduction of retired General Security captain Ahmed Shukr, whose disappearance nearly two weeks ago has raised alarm within Lebanon’s security establishment.

As investigations led by the Information Branch of the Internal Security Forces progress, officials describe what they consider to be high-quality findings, firmly placing the case in the category of a coordinated intelligence operation.

Beyond initial suspicions

Search efforts have so far failed to uncover any trace of Shukr on Lebanese territory. A senior Lebanese judicial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that “all the evidence and data collected so far point to the hypothesis of Shukr’s abduction.”

He added that investigators have “moved beyond the stage of initial suspicions and entered an in-depth analysis of the luring process, communications patterns, and field developments before and after the moment of his disappearance.”

The case is linked to suspicions over Shukr’s connection to the long-unresolved file of the disappearance of Israeli air force pilot Ron Arad in southern Lebanon in 1986, he remarked.

Key leads

Among the most significant leads bolstering this hypothesis, the judicial source said, is “precise monitoring of internal and external communications involving Shukr in the hours and days before he was lured to the Kark area near the city of Zahle in the Bekaa Valley, where he disappeared under circumstances still under investigation.”

The data revealed an unusual pattern suggesting “tight, cross-border coordination.”

Shukr belongs to the family of Fuad Shukr, a Hezbollah leader who was assassinated by Israel on July 30, 2024, in an airstrike on a building in the Haret Hreik area of Beirut’s southern suburbs.

However, Abdul Salam Shukr, Ahmed's brother, rejected any attempt to link them closely to Fuad Shukr. “No one in the town even knew Fuad Shukr,” he said.

“Since the early 1980s, he left the town and never returned, and he was distant from his relatives.”

He stressed that Ahmed Shukr, since retiring from military service, “never left the Bekaa. He stayed at home and played cards with his friends at night.”

Carefully planned operation

In a development described as highly significant, the source revealed what was termed an “important” piece of evidence from surveillance cameras.

“CCTV footage captured an image of a car in the Kark area at the time Shukr was lured and disappeared,” the source said. “The same car was seen later that night heading from Beirut toward the road leading to Beirut’s international airport, carrying a Swedish national suspected of direct involvement in the luring and abduction.”

Security agencies later verified the route by which the Swede left Lebanon. According to the judicial source, the man “traveled abroad just hours after the incident, and investigators now have sufficient information about his departure and destination.”

This, the source told Asharq Al-Awsat, is an additional indication of “prior, carefully coordinated planning that goes beyond the capabilities of conventional local networks.”

New development

The abduction of Ahmed Shukr now appears to be one of Lebanon’s most dangerous security cases, given its intelligence dimensions and the broader questions it raises about security breaches and the covert confrontation between Lebanon and Israel.

At the same time, a new development has brought renewed attention to a Lebanese man identified by his initials A.M., who resides in Kinshasa.

He had previously contacted Shukr, asking him to assist people who claimed they wanted to purchase property in the Bekaa, an approach investigators believe was central to the luring operation.

A.M. has since returned from abroad and surrendered himself to the security services.

Accounts differed over why A.M. returned to Beirut after a wanted notice had been issued against him on suspicion of a possible role in the case.

While some information suggested he was pressured by the Lebanese community abroad to return and turn himself in, sources close to the investigation said he offered a completely different account.

According to these sources, A.M. said that he too “fell victim to the same group that targeted and abducted Ahmed Shukr,” and that he came to Lebanon of his own free will “to clear his name and place the information he has at the disposal of the security services.”

Security information indicates that A.M. arrived in Beirut on Sunday evening and was initially questioned by General Security before being handed over to the Information Branch of the Internal Security Forces, at the order of Public Prosecutor Judge Jamal al-Hajjar, who is personally overseeing the investigation due to the case’s sensitivity and complexity.

Findings expected within days

Sources said the initial questioning of A.M. is expected to be completed within a maximum of three days, after which the results of the investigation will be announced, including whether his account aligns with the technical data and evidence already in the possession of security agencies.

Earlier, Asharq Al-Awsat sources had revealed that the missing officer is the brother of Hassan Shukr, a fighter who was part of the group involved in the capture of Ron Arad after his aircraft was shot down over southern Lebanon on October 16, 1986.

Responding to this, Ahmed Shukr’s brother said: “Hassan joined military service in 1979, which means he was a state employee when Arad disappeared in 1986. It is well known that state employees do not engage in political parties.”


Yemeni Presidential Adviser to Asharq Al-Awsat: Serious Efforts Underway to Enforce Rule of Law

Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)
Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)
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Yemeni Presidential Adviser to Asharq Al-Awsat: Serious Efforts Underway to Enforce Rule of Law

Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)
Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)

Engineer Badr Basalmah, an adviser to the Yemeni president, said Yemen is entering a decisive phase in which the state is attempting to reclaim control of the political landscape through what he described as a process of “reverse engineering,” backed by close regional support and aimed at restoring the authority of law and institutions.

He said the recent presidential decisions affecting the eastern provinces marked a pivotal moment with far-reaching political implications that go to the heart of the state’s survival.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Basalmah said the decisions marked a qualitative shift by the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) from a posture of “absorbing reactions” to one of “shaping action” and initiative, a move that he said would strengthen the centralization of sovereign decision-making and prevent the state from fragmenting.

He stressed that Saudi Arabia’s supportive stance toward Yemen’s legitimate government and its decisions represents the cornerstone of the current stability equation, noting that this support should not be read as interference in favor of one party over another, but rather as part of a strategy aimed at regulating the pace of developments and preventing a slide into uncertainty.

Basalmah said the eastern provinces, particularly Hadhramaut and al-Mahra, are undergoing a delicate political phase that could shape the future form of the Yemeni state and lay the groundwork for a future federal model.

From managing balances to institutional sovereignty

According to Basalmah, the recent decisions by PLC Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi cannot be viewed merely within a routine administrative framework. He stressed that they represent a pivotal step with profound political significance tied to the core of the state’s survival.

The importance of these decisions lies in the fact that they embody a qualitative transition by the council from absorbing reactions to producing action and initiative, he explained.

He described this as a “clear political message to domestic and external audiences that the state, in its constitutional and legitimate sense, holds the final say in managing its sovereign institutions, and that it must remain a unifying national umbrella rather than a field for division or exploitation outside the framework of the comprehensive national project.”

Basalmah added that the move represents, at a deeper level, an effort to fortify centralized sovereign decision-making and prevent the state from sliding toward fragmentation or transforming into isolated administrative and security enclaves.

The Saudi role is a cornerstone

He reaffirmed that Saudi Arabia’s support for legitimacy and its decisions are the cornerstone of the current efforts to establish stability, explaining that such support reflects a strategy aimed at controlling the situation and preventing a descent into the unknown.

He said the importance of this role is evident in entrenching what he described as a “golden rule” that partnership does not mean dominance, adding that support for the PLC is intended to de-escalate tensions and prevent the imposition of fait accompli policies by force of arms, particularly in strategically sensitive areas such as Hadhramaut and Mahra.

Basalmah said Saudi Arabia, through this approach, is redrawing the red lines that ensure all parties remain under the state's umbrella, while pushing political forces toward dialogue as the only viable option, rather than what he described as reckless adventures that could threaten regional security and Yemen’s social fabric.

Eastern provinces and the shape of the future state

Basalmah said that the eastern provinces, foremost among them Hadhramaut and Mahra, have become a decisive factor in the Yemeni equation and are undergoing a political transition that could shape the country's future.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that a closer reading of developments points to growing social and political awareness in these provinces toward rejecting absolute subordination or sharp polarization.

What is unfolding in Hadhramaut does not fall within the scope of a fleeting regional movement, but rather within the context of laying the groundwork for a future federal state model, he remarked.

These provinces are seeking to secure their rights to manage their own affairs and protect their territories through national formations, such as the Nation’s Shield Forces, under the umbrella of constitutional legitimacy, Basalmah went on to say.

Current indicators suggest that the option of forced annexation has receded in favor of a path toward a consensual formula that guarantees administrative and security autonomy for regions within a unified, federal Yemen, he stated.

Yemen is witnessing a serious attempt at “reverse engineering” the political scene, where instead of factions imposing their reality on the state, the state, with close regional support, is seeking to reclaim the initiative and impose the logic of law and institutions, he warned.

This process represents a long-term battle requiring a high degree of political wisdom, he urged, stressing that the winner will be whoever aligns with the logic of the state and the interests of citizens, backed by international legitimacy and Arab support.