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Houthi Leader Introduces ‘Submarine Weapons’ in Red Sea Campaign, Claims Attacks on 48 Ships

The Houthis have claimed attacks on 48 ships since the beginning of the Gaza war. (Reuters)
The Houthis have claimed attacks on 48 ships since the beginning of the Gaza war. (Reuters)
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Houthi Leader Introduces ‘Submarine Weapons’ in Red Sea Campaign, Claims Attacks on 48 Ships

The Houthis have claimed attacks on 48 ships since the beginning of the Gaza war. (Reuters)
The Houthis have claimed attacks on 48 ships since the beginning of the Gaza war. (Reuters)

Leader of the Iran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen Abdulmalik al-Houthi threatened on Thursday to carry out more escalation in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, vowing to use “submarine weapons” against western vessels.

In a televised speech, he said the Houthis have carried out attacks on 48 ships since the eruption of the war on Gaza in October.

He also dismissed the impact the western strikes have had on the militias as evidenced they still have capabilities to launch attacks.

He called for the recruitment of new members and urged supporters to hold more rallies and events in support of the escalation.

Houthi claimed that the militias have held 248 military parades, 566 military drills and recruited over 237,000 new members since the beginning of the war.

In addition, he said the militias have fired 183 rockets and drones at Israel since the start of the conflict.

Soon after the eruption of the war, the Houthis began launching attacks against ships passing through the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, claiming to be supporting the Palestinian people.

The legitimate Yemeni government has said the Houthis are following Iranian orders and were using the sea escalation to avoid making commitments towards UN-led peace efforts in the war-torn country.

The Houthis on Thursday declared that ships flying the Israeli flag or that are owned or partially owned by Israeli companies or individuals are barred from passing through the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Arabian Sea.

The Houthis' communication, the first to the shipping industry outlining a ban, came in the form of two notices from the Houthis' newly dubbed Humanitarian Operations Coordination Center sent to shipping insurers and firms. The aim is to force sailing companies to collaborate with the Houthis to guarantee the safety of their ships,

They sent shippers and insurers formal notice of what they termed a ban on vessels linked to Israel, the US and Britain from sailing in surrounding seas, seeking to reinforce their military campaign.

Western countries have retaliated against the Houthi attacks by carrying out a number of strikes against the militias, but that has not deterred them from launching more assaults.

The Yemeni government has said the strikes will not impact the Houthis' ability to carry out attacks in the Red Sea. The only solution lies in supporting the government forces to help them restore the functioning of state institutions, liberate the Hodeidah province and its port and force the Houthis to sit down for peace talks.

More attacks

The Houthis launched attacks on Thursday on both Israel and a ship traveling through the Gulf of Aden, setting the vessel ablaze.

The attack saw two missiles fired at a Palau-flagged cargo ship named Islander, the US military's Central Command said. A European naval force in the region described the attack as sparking a fire and wounding one sailor on board the vessel, though the ship is continuing on its way.

Meanwhile, sirens sounded early Thursday morning over the southern Israeli port of Eilat, followed by videos posted online of what appeared to be an interception in the sky overhead.

The Israeli military later said the interception was carried out by its Arrow missile defense system.

Israel did not identify what the fire was, nor where it came from. However, the Arrow system intercepts long-range ballistic missiles with a warhead designed to destroy targets while they are in space.

The system “successfully intercepted a launch which was identified in the area of the Red Sea and was en route to Israel,” the Israeli military said. “The target did not cross into Israeli territory and did not pose a threat to civilians.”

Eilat, on the Red Sea, is a key port city of Israel. On Oct. 31, Houthis first claimed a missile-and-drone barrage targeting the city. The Houthis have claimed other attacks targeting Eilat, which have caused no damage in the city.

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Arab World

Türkiye Rejects Israeli Claims Used to Justify Strike on Syria’s Abu al-Duhur Air Base

Out-of-service Syrian Air Force aircraft at the Abu al-Duhur military air base, east of Idlib, after Syrian opposition fighters seized the area on Dec. 7, 2024 (EPA) 
Out-of-service Syrian Air Force aircraft at the Abu al-Duhur military air base, east of Idlib, after Syrian opposition fighters seized the area on Dec. 7, 2024 (EPA) 
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Türkiye Rejects Israeli Claims Used to Justify Strike on Syria’s Abu al-Duhur Air Base

Out-of-service Syrian Air Force aircraft at the Abu al-Duhur military air base, east of Idlib, after Syrian opposition fighters seized the area on Dec. 7, 2024 (EPA) 
Out-of-service Syrian Air Force aircraft at the Abu al-Duhur military air base, east of Idlib, after Syrian opposition fighters seized the area on Dec. 7, 2024 (EPA) 

Türkiye has rejected Israeli claims about its military posture in Syria and Israel’s justification for strikes on the Abu al-Duhur military air base in Idlib, which Israel said were prompted by plans to deploy Turkish forces there.

The Turkish presidency said Wednesday that Israeli allegations that Syria had allowed Turkish forces to deploy at Abu al-Duhur were “baseless.”

Israel carried out eight airstrikes Tuesday on the base in southeastern Idlib province near the Turkish border.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office accused Syria of accepting a Turkish troop deployment, saying Israel had repeatedly warned Damascus that such a move would threaten its security but that those warnings had been ignored. Israel “will not tolerate any threats to its security,” the statement said, adding that it would welcome a return to the status quo.

Türkiye’s Directorate of Communications said the allegations were intended to legitimize what it called Israel’s illegal strikes against Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

It noted that the accusations reflected Netanyahu’s intention to pursue expansionist and destabilizing policies in the region ahead of Israeli elections expected in October.

The statement said Türkiye, like the overwhelming majority of the international community, supported lasting peace in the Middle East and that this could only be achieved if Netanyahu abandoned aggressive policies and respected international law.

“Türkiye will resolutely continue its legitimate cooperation with the Syrian government to establish security, stability and prosperity in Syria and will under no circumstances allow Syria to be destabilized,” it read.

US Seeks Deconfliction Mechanism

US Ambassador to Ankara and Special Presidential Envoy for Syria and Iraq Tom Barrack said after the Israeli strikes that Washington was working to establish a deconfliction mechanism among Israel, Türkiye and Syria and was already facilitating information-sharing and dialogue among the parties.

Barrack told Reuters that Türkiye had not received advance notice of the Israeli strike and therefore detected the aircraft heading north toward its territory, meaning it could reasonably have prepared a response of its own.

“Thankfully, calm heads were able to prevent the situation from deteriorating further,” he said.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and US President Donald Trump also spoke by telephone. The Turkish presidency said they discussed bilateral relations and regional and global issues but did not say whether the Israeli strikes on Abu al-Duhur were raised.

Turkish Military Presence

Türkiye, whose relations with Israel have become increasingly strained since the 2023 Gaza war amid broader regional rivalry in Syria, trains the Syrian army and helps Damascus rebuild state institutions and infrastructure. It also provides military support as part of a plan to gradually reduce the presence of Turkish forces inside Syria.

Available information indicates Turkish forces are deployed at 126 military sites, including 12 main bases and 114 military and security observation posts, mainly across northern, northwestern and northeastern Syria.

They include areas covered by Türkiye’s Euphrates Shield operation in northern and eastern rural Aleppo, including Azaz, Jarablus, al-Bab, Marea, al-Rai and Dabiq.

Turkish forces are also present around Afrin, known as the Olive Branch area, through military bases and security points operating in coordination with local councils and the Syrian government, formerly represented there by the Syrian National Army.

The Turkish presence in Syria was previously estimated at about 20,000 military and security personnel, but troop numbers and deployments have changed significantly since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government and the establishment of the new administration headed by President Ahmed al-Sharaa.

Smaller positions have since been consolidated into larger bases, including Kuweires military air base in Aleppo and Taftanaz air base and Mastouma camp in Idlib.

Arab World

Syrian Foreign Minister Reviews 606 Days of ‘New Syria’ Diplomacy

Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani and presidential media adviser Ahmad Muwafaq Zaidan (SANA) 
Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani and presidential media adviser Ahmad Muwafaq Zaidan (SANA) 
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Syrian Foreign Minister Reviews 606 Days of ‘New Syria’ Diplomacy

Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani and presidential media adviser Ahmad Muwafaq Zaidan (SANA) 
Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani and presidential media adviser Ahmad Muwafaq Zaidan (SANA) 

Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani outlined the record of 606 days of Syria’s new diplomacy, describing a shift from “hard power to soft power” and efforts to promote stability and build balanced international relations for the first time in decades.

During a dialogue lasting more than three hours at the presidential Tishreen Palace, al-Shaibani fielded questions from journalists, researchers, members of parliament and Foreign Ministry officials. The session was coordinated by presidential media adviser Ahmad Muwaffaq Zaidan.

Addressing repeated Israeli attacks, al-Shaibani described Israel as an expansionist “bad neighbor.” He noted that after nearly a year of negotiations, both sides had come to understand each other’s approach. Israel aimed to keep matters ambiguous to continue its provocations, he argued, while Syria wanted stability and sought to avoid being drawn into confrontation.

He revealed that Damascus was working with Washington on a memorandum of understanding aimed at halting Israeli attacks.

Sweida and the SDF

Al-Shaibani maintained that the situation in Sweida was being addressed and was no longer a source of concern, rejecting allegations that Damascus had imposed a blockade or cut roads. More than 1,500 commercial vehicles enter and leave the province daily, he noted.

He added that separatist calls in Sweida no longer posed a serious threat, arguing that the prospect of partition had ended with the agreement with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

Significant and rapid progress had been made toward integrating the SDF, although some issues remained unresolved. Al-Shaibani described President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s latest meeting with SDF commander Mazloum Abdi as positive but acknowledged continued hesitation over fully committing to integration with the state. Outstanding issues include the fate of commanders and entities yet to be incorporated, as well as disagreements over matters such as education.

He continued that Damascus was approaching the issue “with considerable patience and calm,” adding that the Autonomous Administration was expected to announce its dissolution within two weeks.

US Embassy set to reopen

Turning to foreign policy, al-Shaibani recalled that immediately after the “liberation,” Syria turned first to its Arab partners, particularly Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states.

After a challenging first year, Damascus moved toward “political normalization,” reintegration into the international system and the restoration of diplomatic missions. There are now 55 diplomatic missions in Damascus, preparations are underway to reopen the US Embassy, and Syria maintains active relations with 97 countries.

Al-Shaibani described relations with Jordan as very good, saying Amman had become a strong supporter of Syria after decades of strained ties. Damascus was also pursuing an “open-door policy” toward Iraq, with Iraqi Prime Minister Ali Faleh al-Zaidi expected to visit Damascus following a recent visit by Supreme Judicial Council President Faiq Zidan.

Al-Shaibani disclosed that Syria had asked Iraq and Lebanon to deploy regular forces along their borders with Syria and keep militias away — specifically Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces and Hezbollah in Lebanon.

New approach to Lebanon

On Lebanon, al-Shaibani reaffirmed a new Syrian approach fundamentally different from Damascus’ traditional role there, centered on supporting the Lebanese state in establishing a state monopoly over weapons and implementing the Taif Agreement.

Discussing his recent visit to Lebanon, he noted that it was intended to be “comprehensive” and had been coordinated with the Lebanese state. Some meetings with political and party representatives outside official state channels were aimed at explaining Syria’s new approach, including talks with Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, which he described as “very positive.” Others were meant as a gesture of loyalty to Lebanese opponents of the Assad regime who had paid a heavy price for their stance.

Al-Shaibani stressed that the large public reception he received in Tripoli had not been planned but occurred spontaneously, adding that his remarks there were national in character. “I am not Qassem Soleimani,” he remarked.

Syrian detainees

Al-Shaibani also addressed Syrians accused of ISIS membership who had been transferred to Iraq, noting that Damascus was working, in coordination with Washington, on an agreement for their handover.

In Lebanon, around 1,700 Syrians remain detained without trial, some for years. Damascus has raised the issue with Lebanese officials since their first meeting, he noted, adding that a Lebanese amnesty law could offer a way forward if signed by President Joseph Aoun.

The session also underscored Syria’s emphasis on soft power. Syrian chef Malakeh Jazmati, known as the “ambassador of Syrian cuisine,” prepared the dinner, with her success during her years as a refugee in Germany presented as an example of the new image Syria seeks to project.

 

 

Arab World

Khaddam Recounts Final Damascus Meeting… Bashar to Hariri: ‘Whoever Defies Me, I Will Break His Bones’

Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)
Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)
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Khaddam Recounts Final Damascus Meeting… Bashar to Hariri: ‘Whoever Defies Me, I Will Break His Bones’

Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)
Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)

Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam reveals new details in his memoirs about a meeting between former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in Damascus in the summer of 2004, describing it as the harshest encounter in the period leading up to Hariri’s assassination.

The memoirs, edited and introduced by Ibrahim Hamidi, are due to be published in early September by Raff Publishing, a subsidiary of the Saudi Research and Media Group (SRMG).

The book cover

According to the memoirs, Assad summoned Hariri in July for a meeting at 7:30 a.m. attended by Maj. Gen. Ghazi Kanaan, Brig. Gen. Rustom Ghazaleh and Col. Mohammed Khallouf. Assad’s harsh words caused Hariri’s blood pressure to rise and his nose to bleed.

The memoirs trace the roots of the crisis to the 1998 election of Lebanese army commander Gen. Emile Lahoud as president. Khaddam recounts that Bashar al-Assad pushed for Lahoud to succeed President Elias Hrawi, persuading his father, President Hafez al-Assad, to back the army commander despite objections from most Lebanese leaders close to Damascus, including Walid Jumblatt, Nabih Berri and Hariri. Khaddam also says Ghazi Kanaan pressured Lebanese lawmakers to support Lahoud.

Khaddam says he subsequently asked Hafez al-Assad to relieve him of responsibility for the Lebanon portfolio because his opposition to Lahoud was well known. The file then passed to Bashar al-Assad.

“Thus ended the political management of this complicated file, and it fell into the hands of the Syrian security services,” Khaddam writes.

Later that same morning, Khaddam says he was scheduled to meet Assad and found him “agitated and tense.” Assad recounted his meeting with Hariri directly to him.

“Rafik Hariri was here, and I spoke to him clearly and frankly in the presence of the officers,” Khaddam quotes Assad as saying. “I told him he was not allowed to work to bring in a president other than Emile Lahoud. I am the one who chooses who governs Lebanon, and whoever defies me, I will break his bones.”

From right: Fares Boueiz, Rafik Hariri, Farouk al-Sharaa, Elias Hrawi, Abdel Halim Khaddam, and Ghazi Kanaan during a meeting at Baabda Palace (Getty)

Khaddam says he was stunned by the remarks and challenged Assad: “You are speaking to the prime minister of Lebanon, who represents the Sunni Muslims in his country. Have you considered the repercussions if your words reach the media? How can you address Lebanon’s prime minister this way in the presence of these officers?”

According to Khaddam’s account, Assad then calmed down and asked his vice president to invite Hariri to meet him in an effort to “erase the consequences” of the encounter.

The memoirs say Hariri initially refused, telling Khaddam by telephone: “After my last visit, I will not visit Damascus.”

He later agreed to meet Khaddam in Bloudan, northwest of Damascus, where he appeared “hurt.”

“I will never forget my meeting with Bashar al-Assad as long as I live,” Hariri told him.

Bashar al-Assad meeting with Emile Lahoud, Nabih Berri, and Rafik Hariri (Getty)

The memoirs go on to recount the dispute over extending Lahoud’s presidential term. On Aug. 18, 2004, Khaddam says Assad told him he had decided against an extension.

“No one in the world supports Lahoud. The Arab states do not support him, and the majority of Lebanese oppose him,” Assad is quoted as saying, adding that he had been “firm” with the Lebanese president.

Just three days later, however, while Khaddam was in France, Hariri called to tell him that Assad had changed his mind and summoned him to Damascus for a brief and tense meeting.

“You have to decide where you stand. Are you with Syria or against it?” Assad told Hariri, according to Khaddam’s account of what Hariri later told him.

Khaddam writes that Hariri told him Jumblatt had advised him to accept the extension and then resign. Khaddam himself advised Hariri to agree to the extension, leave Lebanon and announce his resignation from abroad.

Hariri subsequently informed Rustom Ghazaleh that he accepted the extension and traveled to Sardinia to join his family. Days later, Khaddam says, Hariri called him and asked: “If I return to Lebanon, will my life be in danger?”

Khaddam reassured him that he had agreed to everything demanded of him and that Assad “still needs him because the constitutional amendment has not yet been completed.”

The memoirs also recount a last-minute attempt, through Spanish mediation, to avert a UN Security Council meeting. After five hours of contacts, Washington, Paris and London agreed to cancel the session in return for a Syrian commitment to abandon the extension.

But Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk al-Sharaa told his Spanish counterpart: “Lebanon is an independent state and we have nothing to do with the matter.”

Hafez al-Assad and to his left, Abdul Halim Khaddam in 1999 (Getty)

The Security Council met the following day and adopted Resolution 1559, which called for respect for Lebanon’s sovereignty and political independence, the withdrawal of remaining foreign forces and a presidential election free from foreign interference.

The memoirs characterize the resolution as having been adopted under Chapter VII and as placing the Syrian regime under Security Council scrutiny.

Khaddam’s testimony carries particular significance because of his position at the heart of Syria’s governance of Lebanon. For decades, he was the Syrian official responsible for the Lebanon portfolio before, as he recounts, responsibility passed to Bashar al-Assad and the Syrian security services.

In his account, a single threat uttered during a deeply personal confrontation becomes a key to understanding a period that culminated in a complete breakdown between Damascus and broad segments of Lebanese society.

The full account of the meeting, as well as the events preceding and following it, appears in the book’s chapter titled “The Assassination of Rafik Hariri.”