US Officials See Strategic Failure in Israel’s Rafah Invasion

A cloud of smoke rises from eastern Rafah after an Israeli raid (AFP)
A cloud of smoke rises from eastern Rafah after an Israeli raid (AFP)
TT

US Officials See Strategic Failure in Israel’s Rafah Invasion

A cloud of smoke rises from eastern Rafah after an Israeli raid (AFP)
A cloud of smoke rises from eastern Rafah after an Israeli raid (AFP)

Top Biden administration officials believe they are running out of chances to persuade the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to adopt their vision of how to end the war in Gaza and bring lasting peace in the Middle East.
The two sides are as far apart as ever on both battlefield tactics and overall strategy to achieve their shared goal of defeating Hamas.
“I think in some ways we are struggling over what the theory of victory is,” US Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell told a NATO youth conference in Miami on Monday. “Sometimes when we listen closely to Israeli leaders, they talk about mostly the idea of some sort of sweeping victory on the battlefield, total victory. I don’t think we believe that that is likely or possible.”
Despite having committed itself to “ironclad” support of Israel’s defense, the Biden administration believes Israel’s current strategy is not worth the cost in terms of human lives and destruction, cannot achieve its objective, and will ultimately undermine broader US and Israeli goals in the Middle East.
US Delegation
In addition to Campbell, US and Israeli diplomatic, intelligence and military officials discuss the sensitive relationship and the fraught future between the two sides, particularly if White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan fails to reach tangible results during his visit, on Sunday, to Israel.
Sullivan will be accompanied by a triad of Biden’s top aides on the issue, including National Security Council Middle East coordinator Brett McGurk, presidential adviser Amos Hochstein and Derek Chollet, counselor to Secretary of State Antony Blinken.
“We have been doing a lot of work on this ... with partners in the Arab world and beyond over several months,” Blinken said at a Wednesday news conference in Kyiv. “But it’s imperative that Israel also do this work and focus on what the future can and must be.”
Israel, Blinken noted, “cannot, and says it does not want responsibility for Gaza. We cannot have Hamas controlling Gaza; we can’t have chaos and anarchy in Gaza. So there needs to be a clear concrete plan, and we look to Israel to come forward with its ideas.”
Netanyahu’s Rejection
Lately, Netanyahu acknowledged disagreements with the administration.
The two-state solution that the United States and most of the rest of the world have advocated for decades “would be the greatest reward for the terrorists that you can imagine ... giving them a prize. And secondly, it would be a state that would be immediately taken over by Hamas and Iran,” Netanyahu said.
Instead, he said a path forward in Gaza might be Palestinian administration, similar to what now exists on the West Bank, with Israel retaining “certain sovereign powers,” including all military and security functions and control over what and who crosses Gaza’s borders.
To the Biden administration that is a recipe for ongoing strife.
US intelligence officials share White House doubts that Hamas can be fully defeated.
The intelligence community reported in its annual threat assessment in February that Israel probably will face lingering armed resistance from Hamas for years to come.
Scorched Earth
To end the war in the short term and gain the release of the hostages, administration officials have pressed since the early months of the war an alternative to Israel’s scorched earth tactics of relentless attacks on dense urban areas, urging more intelligence-based, precise targeting.
The Washington Post quoted current and former US officials said it can be difficult to know precisely how the US-provided intelligence is used.
They said the task of persuading the Israelis to change course has become much harder with the ongoing failure of US-backed negotiations offering a temporary cease-fire in exchange for the release of Israeli hostages.
Retired Gen. David Petraeus, who utilized the “clear, hold and build” strategy to counter al-Qaeda forces in Iraq, said that Israel’s “punitive” clearing operations in Gaza, without any follow-up to hold territory or rebuild infrastructure and livelihoods for Palestinian civilians, would only result in Hamas reconstituting within an angry and alienated population.
A broad, armored invasion into Rafah would ensure a quagmire and lead to more civilian deaths, said Alon Pinkas a veteran Israeli diplomat and former senior government adviser. “Wake up,” Pinkas said. “‘Toppling Hamas’ is only possible through diplomatic means.”
The US officials pointed to the substantial effort exerted by the Biden administration to preserve the crucial relationship between Egypt and Israel. They said it has also worked to persuade Arab states to normalize their historically tense relations with Israel as a long-term security bulwark against Iran and its proxies, including Hamas, and to help secure and rebuild Gaza as part of a new Palestinian state.

 



Report: RSF Drone Strike on School Kills Two Children in Sudan’s Kordofan 

Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
TT

Report: RSF Drone Strike on School Kills Two Children in Sudan’s Kordofan 

Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)

A drone strike blamed on Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces killed two children and injured 12 others Wednesday in the southern city of El-Rahad, a medical source told AFP.

El-Rahad lies in Sudan's Kordofan region, currently the fiercest battlefield in the war raging between the RSF and the regular army since April 2023.

"I saw a dozen students injured," Ahmed Moussa, an eyewitness to the attack, told AFP, adding that the drone had struck a traditional Quranic school.

El-Rahad, in North Kordofan state, was retaken by the army last February, as part of a rapid offensive that saw it push west to break a long-running siege on state capital El-Obeid.

The RSF has been trying to re-encircle El-Obeid since, including by launching successive drone strikes on the main highway out of the city, which connects the western region of Darfur with the capital Khartoum.

Since it began, the war has killed tens of thousands and left around 11 million people displaced, creating the world's largest hunger and displacement crises.

It has also effectively split the country in two, with the army holding the north, center and east while the RSF and its allies control the west and parts of the south.


Türkiye Signals May Launch ‘Simple’ Military Operation Against PKK in Iraq

PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
TT

Türkiye Signals May Launch ‘Simple’ Military Operation Against PKK in Iraq

PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)

Türkiye has indicated it may launch a limited military operation against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the Sinjar region of northern Iraq, while stressing its readiness to work with any government that assumes power in Baghdad.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said the PKK is set to become a major issue for Iraq, noting that the group does not control any territory inside Türkiye, but “occupies large areas in Iraq”.

“How can a sovereign state allow this?” he asked, adding that “changes could soon take place” in several areas, including Iraq’s Sinjar, Makhmour and the Qandil Mountains.

Fidan outlined what he described as the PKK’s current deployment, saying Makhmour, south of Erbil near the Nineveh province, hosts the group’s civilian structures, while Sinjar, northwest of Mosul near the Syrian border, hosts its armed elements.

He said the leadership and command structures are based in the Qandil Mountains, with other strongholds near Duhok lying outside the area covered by Türkiye’s ongoing Claw Operation.

In a televised interview late Monday, Fidan stated that Sinjar is surrounded by Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), revealing that Ankara has held around 20 meetings with PMF leader Faleh al-Fayyad to address the issue.

On possible military action against the PKK, he described it as “a simple military operation,” in which PMF forces would advance on the ground while Türkiye conducts air operations, estimating it would take two or three days.

Since 2024, Türkiye has pursued negotiations with imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, which led to his call on February 27, 2025, for the group to dissolve and lay down its arms.

The PKK subsequently announced a ceasefire, declared its dissolution on May 12, 2025, and held symbolic weapons-burning ceremonies in the Qandil Mountains in July. In October, it announced the withdrawal of its fighters from Türkiye to areas in Qandil.

On Baghdad’s position, Fidan said the Iraqi government would be forced to demonstrate genuine political will toward the PKK, insisting that the group cannot remain in Sinjar.

Iraq began addressing the issue during the tenure of former prime minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi and that, under current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, the PKK has sought to expand its presence in Baghdad, he remarked.

Baghdad is in the process of forming a new government, months after holding parliamentary elections.

Over the past two years, Ankara and Baghdad have established a high-level security coordination mechanism to confront the PKK, holding five meetings in both capitals. The latest took place in April. Following Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to Iraq in April 2024, Iraq’s National Security Council formally designated the PKK a banned organization.

Fidan also said the Kurdish issue in Syria has direct implications for Iraq, hoping that Baghdad would draw lessons from recent developments in Syria, including the integration of Kurdish forces into the Syrian army, and take “prudent decisions to ease Iraq’s own transition”.


SDF Starts Withdrawing from Frontlines in Syria’s Hasakah  

Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
TT

SDF Starts Withdrawing from Frontlines in Syria’s Hasakah  

Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have begun withdrawing their troops from frontline positions in the city of Hasakah under an agreement reached with the Syrian government, according to news reports and photographs published by Reuters.

Earlier on Tuesday, SDF units started preparations to pull back from southern rural areas of Hasakah. Images circulated by local media showed SDF fighters withdrawing from the Panorama Roundabout checkpoint south of the city, ahead of handing it over to General Security forces.

The move followed a security meeting between the Internal Security Forces (Asayish) and Syrian security services to coordinate the deployment of internal security forces in the city, according to North Press.

Syrian security sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that implementation of the agreement is proceeding smoothly, including steps toward integration.

The SDF has nominated units to be incorporated as brigades within the Ministry of Defense, while some Asayish personnel are expected to join the General Security forces in predominantly Kurdish areas.

On Tuesday, the SDF also began withdrawing its military units and heavy equipment from contact lines inside Hasakah, particularly in southern neighborhoods around the Panorama Roundabout. This step is part of a permanent ceasefire and the launch of a gradual integration process stipulated in the January agreement.

Syrian affairs researcher from the Jusoor Center for Studies Mohammad Suleiman said the withdrawal involves redeploying SDF military forces from inside Hasakah to agreed barracks outside the city, including Dirbasiyah, Amuda, and the outskirts of Qamishli. At the same time, government internal security forces will deploy in the city centers of Hasakah and Qamishli to oversee security integration.

Suleiman noted differing interpretations of the agreement. The SDF considers the withdrawal limited to its military forces, with the Asayish remaining responsible for internal security, while the government views it as a timetable for a full SDF withdrawal from city neighborhoods.

He added that Syrian army units will also pull back to areas around Hasakah, including Shaddadi, while maintaining a ban on military forces entering cities, particularly those with a Kurdish majority.

The current phase marks the second stage of the agreement and includes the transfer of oil wells and Qamishli Airport to state control. A third phase will place border crossings under state control, notably the Nusaybin crossing with Türkiye and the Semalka crossing with the Iraqi Kurdistan Region.

The agreement also calls for the integration of Kurdish autonomous administration institutions into state bodies, stabilization of civilian employees, settlement of Kurdish civil and educational rights, and guarantees for the return of displaced residents to their homes.