Hunt for Assad Family’s Missing Billions Begins

(FILES) The President of Syria Bashar al-Assad (R) and his wife Asma al-Assad walk upon arrival at the Maiquetia international airport, in Caracas on June 25, 2010. (Photo by MIGUEL GUTIERREZ / AFP)
(FILES) The President of Syria Bashar al-Assad (R) and his wife Asma al-Assad walk upon arrival at the Maiquetia international airport, in Caracas on June 25, 2010. (Photo by MIGUEL GUTIERREZ / AFP)
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Hunt for Assad Family’s Missing Billions Begins

(FILES) The President of Syria Bashar al-Assad (R) and his wife Asma al-Assad walk upon arrival at the Maiquetia international airport, in Caracas on June 25, 2010. (Photo by MIGUEL GUTIERREZ / AFP)
(FILES) The President of Syria Bashar al-Assad (R) and his wife Asma al-Assad walk upon arrival at the Maiquetia international airport, in Caracas on June 25, 2010. (Photo by MIGUEL GUTIERREZ / AFP)

With the collapse of President Bashar Assad’s regime in Syria, a global hunt is now beginning for the billions of dollars in cash and assets his family has stashed away, The Wall Street Journal reported.

“There will be a hunt for the regime’s assets internationally,” said Andrew Tabler, a former White House official who identified assets of Assad family members through work on US sanctions. “They had a lot of time before the revolution to wash their money. They always had a Plan B and are now well equipped for exile.”

Assad fled Syria to Russia on Dec. 8 as opposition fighters rapidly advanced on the capital, Damascus, ending his 24-year rule.

The exact size of the wealth of the Assad family and which family member controls what assets isn’t known. A report by the State Department in 2022 said a figure was hard to determine, but estimated businesses and assets connected to the Assads could be worth as much as $12 billion, or as low as $1 billion, The Wall Street Journal said.

The assessment said the money was often obtained through state monopolies and drug dealing, especially the amphetamine captagon, and partly reinvested in jurisdictions out of reach of international law.

The wealth of the Assad clan continued to grow as regular Syrians struggled with the impact of the country’s civil war, which began in 2011. The World Bank calculated that in 2022 almost 70% of the population lived in poverty.

Many of the heavily militarized regime’s most powerful figures were business-minded, notably Bashar al-Assad’s British-born wife, Asma, a former banker at JPMorgan.

“The ruling family was as much an expert in criminal violence as it was in financial crime,” said Toby Cadman, a London-based human-rights lawyer with Guernica 37 International Justice Chambers, who has investigated Assad’s assets.

Finding and freezing the assets will likely be difficult. The US mounted a lengthy sanctions campaign against the Assad regime, forcing its moneymen to hide wealth outside the West and via tax havens.

Legal teams have already managed to secure some asset freezes related to the Assads’ wealth. A Paris court in 2019 froze 90 million euros worth of property—equivalent to $95 million—held in France by Rifaat al-Assad, an uncle of Bashar al-Assad who oversaw a brutal opposition crackdown in 1982. The tribunal ruled the assets were obtained through organized laundering of embezzled public funds.

William Bourdon, the human-rights lawyer who filed the case in Paris, said money in tax havens would be much harder to recover. Investigators need to seek court orders freezing assets and then enforce their recovery, and it is also not clear who would receive the funds.

The Assad clan started accumulating a fortune soon after Hafez al-Assad took control of Syria following a bloodless coup.

Hafez put his brother-in-law Mohammad Makhlouf, then a modest airline employee, in charge of the country’s lucrative tobacco-import monopoly, said Ayman Abdel Nour, a university friend of Bashar al-Assad.

Makhlouf took large commissions on the booming construction sector, said Abdel Nour, who was also later an unpaid adviser to Bashar al-Assad. When Bashar succeeded his father as leader in 2000, Makhlouf passed the business empire to his own son, Rami.

The Makhloufs were expected to make money on the behalf of the president and bankroll the regime and its ruling family when needed, said Bourdon, the Paris lawyer who has investigated Assad’s assets. “The Makhloufs are the chamberlains to the Assads,” said Bourdon.

Rami Makhlouf later became the regime’s primary financier with assets in banking, media, duty-free shops, airlines and telecommunications, becoming worth as much as $10 billion, according to the State Department. The US government sanctioned Makhlouf in 2008 for benefiting from and aiding the public corruption of Syrian regime officials.

According to a 2019 investigation by anticorruption group Global Witness, members of the Makhlouf family owned roughly $40 million worth of property in luxury skyscrapers in Moscow.

Then in 2020, the economic relationship at the heart of the Syrian regime frayed. Bashar al-Assad publicly sidelined Rami Makhlouf. The circumstances of their falling out remain murky. But the Syrian leader was tightening control over the levers of the failing Syrian economy.

Makhlouf was placed under house arrest and Syrian authorities put many of his business interests into state receivership, The Wall Street Journal has previously reported.

“We have the duty to recover the money for the Syrian people,” said Bourdon.



Al-Alimi Names New Yemeni Govt

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)
Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)
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Al-Alimi Names New Yemeni Govt

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)
Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi chairs a council meeting on Friday. (Saba)

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi announced on Friday the formation of a new government.

The lineup was presented by Prime Minister Shaie Mohsen Al-Zindani and approved by al-Alimi.

Al-Zinadani retained his position of PM, as did Muammar Al-Iryani as Minister of Information.

The government is formed of Nayef Saleh Abdulqader Al-Bakri as Minister of Youth and Sports; Salem Abdullah Issa Al-Saqtari as Minister of Agriculture, Irrigation and Fisheries; Major General Ibrahim Ali Ahmed Haidan as Minister of Interior; Tawfiq Abdulwahid Ali Al-Sharjabi as Minister of Water and Environment; Mohammed Mohammed Hizam Al-Ashwal as Minister of Industry and Trade; and Dr. Qasim Mohammed Qasim Baheebah as Minister of Public Health and Population.

Judge Badr Abdo Ahmed Al-Aradha was named Minister of Justice; Major General (Staff) Taher Ali Aydha Al-Auqeeli as Minister of Defense; Engineer Badr Mohammed Mubarak Basalmah as Minister of Local Administration; Muti’a Ahmed Qasim Dammaj as Minister of Culture and Tourism; and Dr. Anwar Mohammed Ali Kalshat Al-Mahri as Minister of Technical Education and Vocational Training.

Engineer Adnan Mohammed Omar Al-Kaf was named Minister of Electricity and Energy; Marwan Faraj Saeed bin Ghanem as Minister of Finance; Dr. Afrah Abdulaziz Al-Zouba as Minister of Planning and International Cooperation; Salem Abu Bakr Mohammed Thabet Al-Awlaki as Minister of Civil Service and Insurance; Judge Ishraq Fadl Al-Maqtari as Minister of Legal Affairs; Dr. Adel Abdulmajid Alawi Al-Abbadi as Minister of Education; and Dr. Ameen Noman Mohammed Al-Qadsi as Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research.

Dr. Shadi Saleh Basarah was appointed Minister of Communications and Information Technology; Dr. Mohammed Abdullah Ali Bamqa’a as Minister of Oil and Minerals; Mohsen Ali Haidarah Qasim Al-Omari as Minister of Transport; Engineer Hussein Awad Saeed Al-Aqrabi as Minister of Public Works and Roads; Mukhtar Omar Saleh Al-Yafei as Minister of Social Affairs and Labor; Mashdal Mohammed Omar Ahmed as Minister of Human Rights; Sheikh Turki Abdullah Ali Al-Wadei as Minister of Endowments and Guidance; Dr. Abdullah Ali Hussein Abu Hurriya as Minister of State for Parliamentary and Shura Council Affairs; Abdulghani Hefzullah Jameel as Minister of State and Secretary of the Capital Sanaa; Dr. Ahd Mohammed Salem Ja’sous as Minister of State for Women’s Affairs; and Abdulrahman Sheikh Al-Yafei as Minister of State and Governor of Aden Governorate.

Ahmed Saleh Ahmed Al-Awlaki, Judge Akram Naseeb Ahmed Al-Ameri, Walid Mohammed Mohammed Al-Qudaimi and Walid Ali Ismail Al-Abarah were named Ministers of State.


Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Praises Saudi Arabia’s Continued Support

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council Praises Saudi Arabia’s Continued Support

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council meeting in Riyadh (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council renewed its appreciation to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for its continued support of the Yemeni people, the Saudi Press Agency said on Saturday.

The council praised the Kingdom’s leadership under Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, for their sincere and steadfast positions in backing Yemen. It also commended Saudi Arabia’s dedicated efforts to enhance security and stability, strengthen state institutions, and provide generous humanitarian and development assistance.

The remarks were made during a meeting of the Presidential Leadership Council held on Friday in Riyadh.

The meeting reviewed local developments across various levels, including progress toward restoring recovery and normalizing conditions in the temporary capital, Aden, and in the liberated governorates.

Discussions also focused on the ongoing efforts of local authorities, as well as security and military agencies, to stabilize the situation and advance institutional performance.


Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
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Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)

What was meant to be a routine visit by Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal to Washington to discuss military support and aid coordination turned into a political flashpoint, after a brief meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham ignited a dispute over whether the army chief would describe Hezbollah as a “terrorist organization.”

The controversy was sparked by a brief meeting with hardline Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who publicly said he cut the meeting short after Haykal declined to use the designation in what he called the “context of Lebanon.”

What happened in the Graham meeting

In a post on X, Graham said: “I just had a very brief meeting with the Lebanese Chief of Defense General Rodolphe Haykal. I asked him point blank if he believes Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. He said, “No, not in the context of Lebanon.” With that, I ended the meeting.”

“They are clearly a terrorist organization. Hezbollah has American blood on its hands. Just ask the US Marines,” he added.

“They have been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by both Republican and Democrat administrations since 1997 – for good reason.”

“As long as this attitude exists from the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don’t think we have a reliable partner in them.”

“I am tired of the double speak in the Middle East. Too much is at stake,” Graham concluded.

The reaction went beyond expressions of displeasure. Some US coverage suggested Graham effectively raised questions about the “usefulness” of continuing support for the Lebanese army if such a gap persists between the US position and Lebanon’s official language.

Haykal’s answer raises its cost in Washington

Inside Lebanon, the issue is not limited to the stance on Hezbollah. Still, it extends to the army’s role as a unifying institution in a country whose political balance rests on sectarian arrangements and deep sensitivities.

Adopting an external designation, even a US one, in official language by the head of the military could be interpreted domestically as a move that risks triggering political and sectarian division or drawing the army into confrontation with a component that has organized political and popular representation.

That explains why Lebanese voices, including some critics of Hezbollah, defended the logic that “the state does not adopt this classification.” Therefore, the army commander cannot formally do so.

In other words, Haykal sought to avoid two conflicting languages: Washington’s legal and political framing of Hezbollah, and the Lebanese state’s language, which walks a fine line between the demand for exclusive state control over arms and the avoidance of reproducing internal fractures.

US State Department position

Amid the controversy surrounding the Graham meeting, an official US position emerged on Tuesday through the US Embassy in Beirut, welcoming the visit and focusing on the core US message.

The statement said that “the Lebanese Armed Forces’ ongoing work to disarm non-state actors and reinforce national sovereignty as Lebanon’s security guarantor is more important than ever.”

The wording was notable because it separated two levels: continued US reliance on the army as a state institution, and, in practice, linking that reliance to the issue of disarming non-state actors.

The phrase avoids direct naming but, in the Lebanese context, is widely understood to refer primarily to Hezbollah.

The visit’s broader track

Despite the political awkwardness, Haykal’s visit was not reduced to a single meeting. He held senior-level military talks, including meetings with US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine.

According to a statement from a Joint Chiefs spokesperson, the meeting “reaffirmed the importance of enduring US defense relationships in the Middle East.”

The visit coincided with broader discussions in Washington on support for the Lebanese army and plans to extend state authority, as international reports spoke of Lebanon entering new phases of a plan to dismantle illegal weapons structures in the south and north.

The army commander’s visit had initially been delayed for reasons that add another layer to understanding Washington’s sensitivity to the military’s language.

In November 2025, sources quoted the US State Department as saying Washington canceled scheduled meetings with the Lebanese army commander after objecting to an army statement on border tensions with Israel, prompting the visit to be postponed to avoid a pre-emptive political failure.