Two US Congressmen Introduce Bill to Free Iraq from Iran

Members of Iraq's Shiite Muslim Al-Nujaba movement wave the Palestinian flag during a rally in Baghdad on October 8, 2023 (AFP)
Members of Iraq's Shiite Muslim Al-Nujaba movement wave the Palestinian flag during a rally in Baghdad on October 8, 2023 (AFP)
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Two US Congressmen Introduce Bill to Free Iraq from Iran

Members of Iraq's Shiite Muslim Al-Nujaba movement wave the Palestinian flag during a rally in Baghdad on October 8, 2023 (AFP)
Members of Iraq's Shiite Muslim Al-Nujaba movement wave the Palestinian flag during a rally in Baghdad on October 8, 2023 (AFP)

Two US congressmen introduced the “Free Iraq from Iran” bill this week, to diminish Tehran’s influence in Baghdad and to support its independence.

“Grateful to introduce this bipartisan bill with colleague Jimmy Panetta (D-CA),” Representative Joe Wilson (R-SC) wrote on his X account.

The new bill says that in 180 days, the Secretary of State, in conjunction with the Secretary of the Treasury, and the CEO of the US Agency for Global Media, shall develop and submit to Congress a strategy to support the efforts of the Iraqi people in countering Iran in Iraq and countering Iranian backed puppet militias in Iraq.

This strategy shall include a description of efforts to dismantle all Iran-backed puppet militias in Iraq, including the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), and to end US security assistance to the Iraqi government until Iraq removes Iranian-backed puppet militias from its security forces.

The bill also calls on providing support to Iraqi civil society actors and opposition groups to enhance their security and operational capabilities, and to expand and enhance American broadcasting efforts in Iraq to uncover war crimes and corruption of Iranian backed puppet militias in Iraq.

Several Iraqi circles, including members of the Coordination Framework, said Wilson's bill will not secure a majority of votes in Congress. However, they feared the undesirable consequences of any US strikes on Iran, especially as Tehran has lately started to abandon its allies in the region.

Last month, Iran's supreme leader Ali Khamenei said Iran does not have any proxy forces in the region.

On Thursday, The Telegraph wrote that Iran has ordered military personnel to leave Yemen, abandoning its Houthi allies as the US escalates an airstrike campaign against the group.

Senior Iraqi pro-government officials are concerned about a potential conflict between Washington and Tehran and have argued with their opponents about how to prepare for such possible war.

Iraq will be the first to suffer from such conflict, the officials said.

In return, pro-Iranian Iraqi officials say a regional war will not have major repercussions on their country. They say some political forces were using such assumptions as part of their campaigns to prepare for the general elections scheduled later this year.

Threatening US Bases

Meanwhile, Najaf-based Iraqi Shiite cleric Sadr al Din al Qabanji warned that US bases in Iraq are within the striking range of Iran and Iranian-backed Iraqi militias.

During his Friday sermon, Qabanji urged US President Donald Trump not to start or threaten war, referring to Trump’s threat to bomb Iran if Iran does not agree to a new nuclear deal.

Amid the escalating tension between Washington and Tehran and the ongoing US strikes on Houthis in Yemen, the Pentagon said it has reinforced US military capability in the Middle East with more warplanes.

On Monday, Khamenei ruled out any foreign attack on this country but said the US would receive a strong blow if Trump followed through with his threats.

“The enmity from the US and Israel has always been there. They threaten to attack us, which we don’t think is very probable, but if they commit any mischief they will surely receive a strong reciprocal blow,” Khamenei said.

On Friday, Iraqi Prime Minister Muhammed Shia Al-Sudani said his government has preserved Iraq’s stability through wise and responsible leadership, preventing the country from being dragged into regional conflict.

He added that some impulsive voices called for Iraq to engage in war and conflict. “Iraq’s and the Iraqi people’s interests are our top priority. There is no room for compromise, whether with internal or external actors,” the PM said.

 



Oslo Accords After 33 Years: Neither Alive Nor Dead — What Remains?

FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa
FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa
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Oslo Accords After 33 Years: Neither Alive Nor Dead — What Remains?

FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa
FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa

Perhaps all that remains of the Oslo Accords, signed 33 years ago between the Palestinians and Israelis, is an authority without real authority in the West Bank, widespread chaos, destruction and bloodshed in the Gaza Strip, and an East Jerusalem resembling West Jerusalem, both under full Israeli control.

All three — the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem — were supposed to constitute the Palestinian state just five years after the agreement was signed in 1993, or so Palestinians believed and hoped at the time.

Yet Oslo’s main problem cannot simply be considered its failure to deliver the hoped-for state. Since it was signed, the Palestinian Authority’s ability to govern has declined, while the territory under its control has shrunk day by day.

The PA’s role has changed considerably. Israeli governments have left it besieged, powerless and nearly bankrupt, facing numerous financial and security problems and countless internal problems affecting it and all Palestinians — in politics, security, public safety, salaries, health, the economy, electricity, water, fuel and the banking system.

Today, 33 years after the agreement, Palestinians find themselves in a central struggle to prevent the liquidation of the Palestinian cause and their displacement from their land. After Oslo, their struggle had been to establish a state.

All the blame can be placed on Oslo, its course and the decision to pursue it, as many Palestinians do. But its other party cannot be overlooked: Israel, which did not sign the agreement for it to succeed. This was precisely what then-Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir had promised: negotiations that would begin but never end, until nothing remained to negotiate over.

Nor can it be overlooked that a large segment of Palestinians themselves did not want the agreement either. Armed factions worked relentlessly to thwart it to the end, using all the power and weapons at their disposal.

Many on both sides regarded it as a dagger in their side and openly said they did not want it. In reality, it gave them neither peace nor security. Yet it has remained alive, refusing to die, even after Hamas launched the Al-Aqsa Flood attack in October 2023, sweeping away many things but not what remained of Oslo.

What is the Oslo agreement?

The Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements was signed on Sept. 13, 1993. It provided for the phased withdrawal of Israeli forces from the West Bank and Gaza Strip and the establishment of a Palestinian Interim Self-Government Authority during a five-year transitional period, culminating in a permanent settlement based on UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.

The agreement spoke of ending “decades of confrontation and conflict” and recognizing each side’s “mutual legitimate and political rights.”

The agreement clearly addressed the transitional period and permanent-status negotiations. The five-year transitional period was to begin with the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and Jericho area. Permanent-status negotiations between the Israeli government and representatives of the Palestinian people were to begin as soon as possible, but no later than the beginning of the third year of the transitional period.

It also stipulated that those negotiations would cover the remaining issues, including Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, security arrangements, borders, relations and cooperation with other neighbors, and other matters of common interest.

The agreement also resulted in the establishment of a Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee to address issues requiring coordination, other matters of common interest and disputes.

The Oslo agreement divides the West Bank into Areas A, B and C. Area A includes the main Palestinian population centers and is under Palestinian security and administrative control, comprising 18% of the West Bank. Area B, comprising 21%, is under Palestinian administrative control and Israeli security control. Area C, comprising 61%, is under Israeli security and administrative control.

After October 2023, Israel no longer recognized these divisions.

What happened after Oslo?

A few years after the signing, Israel stopped completing the scheduled withdrawal of its forces. Instead, it repeatedly entered Area A, territory under full Palestinian security jurisdiction, and took measures that disrupted the transitional phase intended to achieve independence.

Israel carried out assassinations and killings, raided Area A, built more settlements and tightened political, security and economic pressure on the PA as though Oslo did not exist, while demanding greater security coordination from the PA under the agreement.

Israelis who opposed Oslo did not formally abolish it. They wanted it in intensive care — neither alive nor dead. Palestinians did not like Oslo either, but struggled to keep it alive even though they repeatedly declared it finished.

The Palestinians could not rid themselves of it because they simply could not maintain the PA without Oslo. That would mean a return to occupation — a thousand steps backward. For the Israelis, declaring themselves free of Oslo would mean dissolving the PA and returning to the occupation of the West Bank, the last outcome they wanted.

In short, everyone despised Oslo, but they wanted it. It continued to constrain them and produce further agreements.

Oslo’s extensions

It can be said that for many years, Palestinians and Israelis found themselves tied to Oslo. In an effort to keep it alive, the Palestinians concluded further agreements with Israel that could be described as extensions of Oslo.

Israel did not abide by any agreement it signed. Instead, it brought the PA to an unprecedented level of weakness after significantly changing its role. The PA entered one of the worst periods in its history, with the territory under its control shrinking, no political or economic horizon, a crippling financial crisis and another security crisis.

The Israeli left-wing group Peace Now has said that the Oslo agreement contributed significantly to increasing the number of settlements and settlers in the Palestinian territories.

Whether this amounted to marking time or moving backward, it was the reality Israel wanted, and it continued until the Al-Aqsa Flood war that began on Oct. 7, 2023.

After the war, everything changed. Israel began what resembled a war against the PA, the Palestinians and the dream of statehood. Israel appeared to want to reverse Oslo altogether and erase it, and no longer wanted the Palestinians or an agreement binding it to them.

Oslo, Netanyahu and Oct. 7

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has made no secret of his opposition to Oslo. Months into the Gaza war, Netanyahu called the Oslo agreement Israel’s great mistake, claiming that “the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza want to destroy Israel. One side says so openly, while the other does so through education and the International Criminal Court.”

Netanyahu’s attack on the PA was not new, but it was the clearest in revealing part of his plan to undermine the authority.

Since Oct. 7, 2023, Israel has begun treating the PA as though it did not exist. Israel escalated in the West Bank, with the army attacking cities, refugee camps and towns and permanently occupying some of them. It killed Palestinians in airstrikes, arrested them and destroyed infrastructure, while settlers were given free rein to kill, attack and seize vast areas by force.

At the same time, Israel advanced a plan to expand existing settlements and establish new ones, linking them through contiguous settlement belts. The plan served to expand settlement activity on the one hand, and to encircle and fragment the West Bank and create a barrier between the West Bank and Israel on the other.

PA remains committed to Oslo’s peaceful approach

After 33 years, what remains of Oslo is an Israel that continues to expand, with greater powers, and a Palestinian Authority with a president, security forces and ministries, but no state and fewer powers — along with more settlers, a devastated Gaza and a Jerusalem under Israeli control.

Yet the PA, now going through one of the worst periods in its history, remains fully committed to the Oslo agreement.

In May, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said he remained committed to Oslo and subsequent agreements, the Palestine Liberation Organization and its program based on the unity of the Palestinian political system and a single legitimate weapon, as well as reforms and presidential and legislative elections, reaffirming his commitment to a peaceful approach amid a series of bloody wars in the region.

Contrary to what many believe or demand, Abbas told Fatah’s Eighth General Conference in Ramallah in May that inflicting a new Nakba on Gaza, killing and wounding more than 270,000 Palestinians there, making the territory uninhabitable, working to annex the West Bank through laws aimed at stealing land, unleashing settler terrorism in the West Bank, continuing to withhold Palestinian funds, besieging the economy, committing violations against Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem and attempting to divide Al-Aqsa Mosque required a return to implementing the signed agreements.

These included the Oslo Accords, the Paris Protocol on Economic Relations and the 2023 Aqaba and Sharm el-Sheikh understandings, as well as an end to unilateral measures that violate international law.

“We want the ‘treacherous’ Oslo agreement. We want to preserve it,” Abbas said sarcastically, mocking criticism of the agreement.

Abbas immediately attacked Hamas’s Oct. 7 assault.

“Whatever the assessment of what happened on Oct. 7 — the ‘glorious’ Oct. 7,” he said sarcastically, “things are judged by their outcomes.”

“We were slaughtered, displaced and our country was destroyed because of this act,” he added.

It was as though Abbas wanted to voice what many of his supporters and Fatah members say: “Oslo brought the Palestinians back to their homeland, laid the foundations of the state and brought an airport and a seaport to Gaza, while Oct. 7 destroyed everything and displaced Palestinians abroad.”

Opponents of Abbas and Fatah respond to that argument by asking: “Why is Israel ravaging the West Bank, which did not carry out Oct. 7? And why does Oslo not protect you?”

The confrontation between the two arguments does not appear close to being resolved. History remains the judge between the two experiences, while Israel continues to encroach on the dream of a Palestinian state.


Incubator Shortages, Premature Births Strain Gaza's Hospitals

The war in Gaza has devastated the territory's healthcare system, leaving premature babies even more vulnerable. BASHAR TALEB / AFP
The war in Gaza has devastated the territory's healthcare system, leaving premature babies even more vulnerable. BASHAR TALEB / AFP
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Incubator Shortages, Premature Births Strain Gaza's Hospitals

The war in Gaza has devastated the territory's healthcare system, leaving premature babies even more vulnerable. BASHAR TALEB / AFP
The war in Gaza has devastated the territory's healthcare system, leaving premature babies even more vulnerable. BASHAR TALEB / AFP

As monitors beep and doctors consult near them, two tiny newborns lie silently side-by-side, sharing a single incubator in a southern Gaza hospital running short on space and supplies.

Gaza's youngest already face an extremely precarious entry into the world, given the dire humanitarian situation in the war-shattered territory that borders Israel and Egypt, reported AFP.

But for babies needing specialist care, such as those born prematurely, the road ahead is even more perilous.

"The situation is dire: there is no oxygen available for them, nor is there any spare incubators in the hospital," said Hatem Dhahir, head of the neonatal department at Nasser hospital in the southern city of Khan Yunis.

"We're trying to transfer them to other hospitals, but they're always full and the situation is very bad. Most of the children need oxygen and are very underweight, and things are going from bad to worse," he told AFP.

The war between Israel and Hamas has devastated the Palestinian territory's healthcare system, with many medical facilities rendered completely or partially unusable.

Ongoing Israeli restrictions on goods entering the Gaza Strip mean medical supplies and specialist equipment are also running low.

Israel says it is preventing the entry of items that could also have military use as it accuses Hamas -- which carried out the worst-ever attack against Israel on October 7, 2023 -- of plotting further violence.

Dhahir said Nasser hospital had seen a significant increase in the number of premature births in recent months, as well as twins and triplets.

The influx was forcing staff to place two or even three babies in each incubator, he said.

In March, the UN's humanitarian agency OCHA said that one in three pregnancies in Gaza were high-risk and 70 percent of newborns were premature or underweight.

Incubator sharing significantly increased mortality risks, it said.

- 'No room' -

Nearly the entirety of Gaza's population was displaced at least once during the devastating war, sparked by Hamas's October 7, 2023 attack on Israel.

The fighting flattened swathes of the territory, left hundreds of thousands of people living in tents and temporary shelters and shattered vital infrastructure such as sanitation and access to safe water.

Despite a US-backed ceasefire declared in October 2025, the Israeli military continues to target Palestinians it says are militants.

A UN-mandated inquiry published in June said that severe shortages of food, medical supplies, fuel and the collapse of healthcare services had an enormous impact on maternal health.

"Against this background, rates of miscarriage, stillbirth, low-birthweight infants and congenital defects have increased," the UN's Independent International Commission of Inquiry said.

Heart conditions were among three types of congenital defects to have particularly increased, the commission said, citing medical practitioners.

In southern Gaza, Mona Ahmad was accompanying a baby taken to Nasser hospital in late August and diagnosed with a serious congenital defect in which the heart's two main blood vessels are switched in position.

"We received a final report stating that the baby was suffering from transposed arteries and needed to be transferred, as there was absolutely no treatment available for her here," Ahmad told AFP.

"The baby spent a full week in the neonatal unit and was discharged because there was no room for her there," she added.

In a bid to revive Gaza's neonatal care system, the UN children's agency UNICEF has scaled up its work to supply medical equipment such as incubators, ventilators and monitors to hospitals.

Including work that began before the ceasefire, UNICEF has supplied 93 incubators to six facilities across the Gaza Strip.

But challenges remain immense and more needs to be done, said Toby Fricker, chief of advocacy and communications for UNICEF Palestine, following a visit to a neonatal intensive care unit in the territory.

For now, "through the pure... resilience of the doctors, of people, things are working," he said.


Fidan Says Turkish President to Visit Syria Soon

Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani holds a press conference with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan in Damascus, Syria, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)
Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani holds a press conference with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan in Damascus, Syria, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)
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Fidan Says Turkish President to Visit Syria Soon

Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani holds a press conference with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan in Damascus, Syria, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)
Syria's Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani holds a press conference with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan in Damascus, Syria, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said on Sunday that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan would visit Syria soon, saying the two countries will hold intense and comprehensive meetings covering political, economic and military issues.

Fidan made the announcement during a press conference with his Syrian counterpart Asaad al-Shaibani in Damascus.

Fidan described Erdogan’s upcoming visit as an important step during which decisions and measures taken by the Joint Higher Committee would be reviewed, reported Syria’s state news agency SANA.

The committee would be jointly chaired, meet regularly and operate through a permanent secretariat, with specialized sectoral committees supporting its work, he added.

Its agenda would include energy, refugee returns, education and culture, he went on to say.

Al-Shaibani noted that Syria had developed a comprehensive program for organized refugee returns, providing housing, employment and transportation services under Syrian management and linked to reconstruction projects in areas of origin.

He said Syria was close to reopening its embassy in Ankara, describing it as an important step in strengthening relations.

Fidan stressed that Syrian-Turkish relations had made significant progress and that Syria’s stability was important not only for the Syrian people but for the wider region.

Türkiye viewed Syria’s unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity as essential, he stated, adding that all armed elements should integrate under state institutions.

Moreover, Fidan described the decision regarding the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) as an important step, saying positive developments in Syria would contribute to regional stability.

Al-Shaibani said the press conference, held days after talks between the two sides in Ankara, reflected the rapidly expanding partnership between Syria and Türkiye and the strategic direction pursued by both countries.

He said Türkiye was among the first countries to reopen its embassy in Damascus and border crossings and supply lines following the ouster of the Assad regime on Dec. 8, 2024, adding that Ankara also played a leading role in international forums calling for the lifting of sanctions imposed on the Syrian people.

Al-Shaibani said Türkiye’s position at a pivotal moment would remain part of Syria’s national memory, adding that Damascus and Ankara had advanced their partnership through dozens of meetings at presidential and ministerial levels.

He said the two countries had signed 40 agreements and memoranda of understanding and established an institutional network linking 22 Syrian ministries and agencies with their Turkish counterparts.

He said Syria and Türkiye aim to increase bilateral trade from nearly $4 billion last year to $10 billion through production partnerships, local content, Syrian employment and joint industrial zones along the border.

The minister said the two sides were also working toward a comprehensive energy strategy covering gas, electricity and power-grid interconnection.

Fidan said Turkish Trade Minister Ömer Bolat’s recent visit to Damascus and Aleppo with a delegation of businesspeople focused on increasing investments and expanding trade, particularly in the energy sector.

He said Syria would play a pivotal role in connecting Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Gulf countries and Iraq with Türkiye and the Mediterranean.