With Israel’s Offensive Drawing Close, Palestinians in Gaza City Fear Permanent Displacement 

Displaced Palestinians from the northern Gaza Strip flee with their belongings to a displacement camp along Al-Rasheed Street, west of Gaza City, 02 September 2025. (EPA) 
Displaced Palestinians from the northern Gaza Strip flee with their belongings to a displacement camp along Al-Rasheed Street, west of Gaza City, 02 September 2025. (EPA) 
TT

With Israel’s Offensive Drawing Close, Palestinians in Gaza City Fear Permanent Displacement 

Displaced Palestinians from the northern Gaza Strip flee with their belongings to a displacement camp along Al-Rasheed Street, west of Gaza City, 02 September 2025. (EPA) 
Displaced Palestinians from the northern Gaza Strip flee with their belongings to a displacement camp along Al-Rasheed Street, west of Gaza City, 02 September 2025. (EPA) 

As artillery and bombs pound around Gaza's largest city and Israel promises a punishing new offensive, Palestinians in the city are paralyzed with fear unsure where to go, when to leave and if they will ever return.

Israel has declared Gaza City, in the north of the territory, to be a combat zone while the military moves forward with plans to overtake it in a campaign to push Hamas into submission. Parts of the city are already considered “red zones,” where Palestinians have been ordered to evacuate ahead of expected heavy fighting.

That has left residents — many of whom returned after fleeing the city in the initial stages of the Israel-Hamas war — on edge. With Israeli bulldozers razing the ground in occupied neighborhoods and Israeli leaders supporting the mass relocation of Palestinians from Gaza, departing the city now could mean leaving for good. Moving costs thousands of dollars and finding space in the overcrowded south to pitch a tent feels impossible. But staying behind, they say, could be deadly.

“The Israeli forces, when they mark any area by red color and they request the people to leave, they really will destroy it,” said Mohammed Al-Kurdi, who is sheltering in Gaza City along with hundreds of thousands of other Palestinians.

“So it’s like you decide whether to live or die. It’s very simple like that.”

An impossible choice

Since Israel declared the area a combat zone on Friday, a small fraction — some 14,840 Palestinians of the nearly 1 million the UN estimates are in Gaza City — have left their homes in the city as of Monday, most to flee south, according to the Site Management Cluster, a joint humanitarian body that coordinates assistance for people in displacement sites.

A fraction of them, about 2,200, have moved to new places within Gaza City after being displaced by Israeli attacks.

Al-Kurdi, a project manager and consultant, said he can hear Israeli forces from the apartment where he's sheltering as they “erase the area completely.”

Zeitoun was once Gaza City’s largest neighborhood, filled with markets, schools and clinics. Over the last month, large swaths of it and the neighboring area of Sabra have been flattened, according to satellite photos reviewed by The Associated Press from early August and early September. The photos show that entire blocks that have been pummeled or bulldozed into empty, sandy lots.

“It’s not something partial like before. It’s 100%,” he said. “The house, I’m telling my friends, it keeps dancing all the day. It keeps dancing, going right and left like an earthquake.”

Many of the people in the city moved back to the north during a ceasefire in January, hoping to find their homes intact. Al-Kurdi's home was completely destroyed, so he's now living alone in a western area of the city. His children and wife were able to leave Gaza last year. He said he would flee south if his home fell under an evacuation order.

Amjad Shawa, the director of the Palestinian NGO network, left his home in the upscale Rimal neighborhood in the early days of the war and also returned there with his family in January. He, like Al-Kurdi, said his family would likely leave Gaza City if their area receives an evacuation order.

But leaving this time would be different, he said. “Gaza will be leveled and destroyed. Last time, I had my car. There was fuel. Everyone had his income, his money."

Back then, the cities of Rafah and Khan Younis still stood in southern Gaza.

Now, after months of bombardment, “there is no Rafah. Almost no Khan Younis,” Shawa said.

Leaving is nearly impossible for some

For others — medical workers, older and sick people — leaving Gaza City is nearly impossible.

“The elders, they're saying we will die here,” Shawa said. “This has pushed the other members of the family to stay, not to leave.”

“My aunt is elderly and can’t walk, and my mother also struggles with mobility. We have so many belongings and no way to manage them. It feels unthinkable,” said Norhan Almuzaini, medical program officer in northern Gaza for the group Medical Aid for Palestinians.

Amal Seyam is the general director of the Women’s Affairs Center in Gaza. Originally from the Tuffah neighborhood in eastern Gaza City, her home was destroyed by bombardment. For nearly four months, she has been sheltering in the Nasr neighborhood in the city's west, where she stays alongside her colleagues inside the women’s center.

Seyam has been displaced five times since the war began — three times within the city and twice to the south, in Rafah and Khan Younis. Each time, she fled with nothing.

When asked if she would consider leaving Gaza City, she said: “I will only leave when everyone who needs me here leaves. As long as there’s a woman who needs me, I am staying. All of Gaza feels like it’s in the red zone now anyway. The bombing is happening meters from us, not kilometers.”

She paused, her voice breaking into tears.

“Many people have started packing. Many have already left. Do you know what displacement means? It means moving once again, building your life once again, buying new things, blankets, tents, all over again.”

Dire conditions persist throughout Gaza

Those who have left Gaza City over the past few months have found dire conditions elsewhere in Gaza. Their arrival has crowded already overflowing tent camps and sent prices of basic goods up.

Iman El-Naya, from Khan Younis, fled Gaza City three months ago. “The beach is crowded. Everywhere is crowded. There’s no hygiene. It’s a struggle to get water and food.”

“I go and stand in line for water. Getting bread is a struggle. Everything is even more expensive after the people from the north came here.”

Shorouk Abu Eid, a pregnant woman from Gaza City, was displaced to Khan Younis four months ago. She said the arrival of more people from the north is creating an even more tragic situation.

“There is no privacy, no peace of mind. Places I used to walk to in five or 10 minutes are taking me around an hour now because of the congestion. There’s barely 10 centimeters between tents.”

Jamal Abu Reily lamented that the bathrooms are overflowing and that there's so little room for new arrivals.

“How are we going to all fit here? he asked. “Where are they going to stay? In the sea?”



Palestinians Vote in First Elections Since Gaza War

Palestinian electoral officials set up a polling station in a tent for municipal elections in Deir al-Balah, Gaza Strip, on April 25, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinian electoral officials set up a polling station in a tent for municipal elections in Deir al-Balah, Gaza Strip, on April 25, 2026. (AFP)
TT

Palestinians Vote in First Elections Since Gaza War

Palestinian electoral officials set up a polling station in a tent for municipal elections in Deir al-Balah, Gaza Strip, on April 25, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinian electoral officials set up a polling station in a tent for municipal elections in Deir al-Balah, Gaza Strip, on April 25, 2026. (AFP)

Palestinians in the West Bank and a central area of Gaza began voting Saturday in municipal elections in the first vote since the Gaza war, marked by a narrow political field and widespread disillusionment.

Nearly 1.5 million people are registered to vote in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, as well as 70,000 people in Gaza's Deir al-Balah area, according to the Ramallah-based Central Elections Commission.

Polling stations opened at 7 am (0400 GMT).

AFP footage from Al-Bireh in the West Bank and Deir al-Balah in Gaza showed election officials in polling stations as Palestinians came to cast ballots.

Most electoral lists are aligned with President Mahmoud Abbas's secular-nationalist Fatah party or feature candidates running as independents.

There are no lists affiliated with Fatah's archrival Hamas, which controls nearly half of the Gaza Strip.

In most cities, Fatah-backed tickets will run against independent lists headed by candidates from factions such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (Marxist-Leninist).

"We must see change every four years through elections... We can't change the situation but we hope to replace people... people who might be better and help develop the community," said Khalid Eid, 55, after he voted in Al-Bireah.

Municipal councils are responsible for basic services such as water, sanitation and local infrastructure and do not enact legislation.

The Palestinian Authority faces widespread criticism over corruption, stagnation and declining legitimacy.

Western and regional donors have increasingly tied financial and diplomatic support to visible reforms, particularly at the local governance level, as national elections remain frozen.

A Palestinian woman casts her ballot in a polling station during municipal elections in the Israeli-occupied West Bank city of Hebron on April 25, 2026. (AFP)

With no presidential or legislative elections held since 2006, municipal councils have become one of the few functioning democratic institutions under PA administration.

UN coordinator Ramiz Alakbarov commended the election commission for organizing a "credible process".

"Saturday's elections represent an important opportunity for Palestinians to exercise their democratic rights during an exceptionally challenging period," Alakbarov said in a statement ahead of the polls.

Mahmoud Bader, a businessman from the northern West Bank city of Tulkarem, where two adjacent refugee camps have been under Israeli military control for over a year, said he would vote despite having little hope for meaningful change.

"Whether candidates are independent or partisan, it has no effect and will have no effect or benefit for the city," he told AFP on Friday.

"The (Israeli) occupation is the one that rules Tulkarem. It would only be an image shown to the international media -- as if we have elections, a state or independence."

Polling stations in the West Bank will close at 7 pm, while polls in Deir al-Balah will close at 5 pm to facilitate counting in daylight due to the lack of electricity in the war-devastated strip, the elections commission told AFP.

Two years of war that started in October 2023 have left swathes of Gaza destroyed and more than 72,000 people dead, according to the territory's health ministry, whose figures are considered reliable by the UN.

Public infrastructure, sanitation services and the health sector are struggling to function.

A Palestinian man shows his marked finger after casting his ballot at a polling station during municipal elections in the Israeli-occupied West Bank city of Al-Bireh on April 25, 2026. (AFP)

- 'Strong determination' -

Gaza, which has been under Hamas control since 2007, is holding its first vote since legislative elections of 2006 that the Islamist movement won.

The Palestinian Authority is holding elections only in Deir al-Balah "as an experiment (to test its own) success or failure, since there are no post-war opinion polls", Jamal al-Fadi, a political scientist at Cairo's Al-Azhar University, told AFP.

Deir al-Balah was chosen as it was one of the only places in Gaza where "the population has remained largely in place and not been displaced" by more than two years of war between Hamas and Israel, Fadi said.

The election commission has recruited polling staff from civil society organizations and hired "a private security company to secure polling centers" for the Gaza vote, its spokesman Fareed Taamallah told AFP.

Mohammed al-Hasayna, 24, said after voting in Deir al-Balah that although the elections were largely symbolic, they served as a sign of people's "will to live".

"We are an educated people with strong determination, and we deserve to have our own state," he told AFP.

"We want the world to help us overcome the catastrophe of war. Enough wars -- it is time to work towards rebuilding Gaza."


Houthis Rename Schools in Yemen’s Sanaa After their Fallen Fighters

A Yemeni child visits a cemetery for Houthi fallen fighters in Sana'a (EPA)
A Yemeni child visits a cemetery for Houthi fallen fighters in Sana'a (EPA)
TT

Houthis Rename Schools in Yemen’s Sanaa After their Fallen Fighters

A Yemeni child visits a cemetery for Houthi fallen fighters in Sana'a (EPA)
A Yemeni child visits a cemetery for Houthi fallen fighters in Sana'a (EPA)

Yemen’s Houthi-run capital, Sanaa, is witnessing a new wave of changes in the education sector, as the group renames a number of public and private schools in what education sources say is part of a broader effort to reshape public awareness along ideological lines with a sectarian dimension.

The measures go beyond renaming schools and extend to reshaping the learning environment, including cultural activities and educational content, the sources said, describing a push to entrench a single ideological narrative within schools.

They warned that the moves are fueling growing concern about the future of education in areas under Houthi control.

The changes have affected schools long known by their historical names, replacing them with names of figures linked to the group or fighters killed in its ranks.

Among the most prominent examples, the “Azal al-Wadi” school in al-Wahda district has been renamed after a Houthi fighter known as “Abu Zaabal,” while the “Moussa bin Nusseir” school in the Maeen district has been renamed “Hani Toumar.”

The move has sparked widespread discontent among educators and students. Teachers and parents described it as an attempt to erase educational and national identity, noting that school names form part of cultural memory.

They said the changes reflect a drive to impose Houthi symbols carrying sectarian connotations.

Education sector workers said the renaming decisions were accompanied by changes to school and cultural activities, reinforcing an ideological narrative within schools.

Specialists said the shifts could narrow intellectual diversity and turn educational institutions into tools for promoting specific ideological agendas.

Students in the affected schools also voiced frustration, saying education should remain free from political or sectarian influence.

Some parents expressed concern, with some considering transferring their children to other schools, despite limited alternatives.

The developments come as Yemen faces a deepening education crisis, with deteriorating infrastructure, unpaid teacher salaries, and severe resource shortages.

The United Nations Children’s Fund, UNICEF, said about 3.2 million children in Yemen are out of school, highlighting the scale of the challenges facing the education system.

UNICEF said it plans in 2026 to return more than 172,000 children to classrooms, distribute educational supplies to over 316,000 students, and support around 1,200 teachers through training and professional development programs.

However, these efforts face a complex reality shaped by ongoing conflict and economic and social pressures.

Observers warned that continued interference in education, whether through school renaming or curricular changes, could deepen social divisions and undermine prospects for recovery, stressing that keeping education neutral is essential to safeguarding future generations.


UN Project Supports Thousands of Coffee Farmers in Yemen's Taiz

A Yemeni man in Taiz prepares coffee from the beans harvested on his farm. (United Nations)
A Yemeni man in Taiz prepares coffee from the beans harvested on his farm. (United Nations)
TT

UN Project Supports Thousands of Coffee Farmers in Yemen's Taiz

A Yemeni man in Taiz prepares coffee from the beans harvested on his farm. (United Nations)
A Yemeni man in Taiz prepares coffee from the beans harvested on his farm. (United Nations)

A UN-backed food security project in Yemen has become a model for creating jobs, helping farmers confront food insecurity, and developing coffee farming as a heritage and strategic crop.

The project, implemented by the United Nations Development Program in the Taiz governorate, southwest Yemen, and funded by the World Bank, has created direct job opportunities for more than 43,000 people, including 4,000 women.

It has also provided 200,000 cubic meters of water in newly built reservoirs and improved 8,351 hectares of land.

The Food Security Response and Resilience Project has enabled 17,000 farmers to regain the ability to use their land efficiently. It has also supported farmers in coffee-producing areas, especially in Taiz, by building water infrastructure that reduces the impact of declining rainfall.

According to a UNDP report, the project focuses on building rainwater-harvesting reservoirs that can be used during droughts to ensure continued irrigation. In the Sabir Al-Mawadim district, two reservoirs were built, each with a capacity of 400 cubic meters.

Project data showed that farmers who gained access to these resources recorded a notable improvement in production during the latest season compared with those who continued to rely on irregular rainfall.

The project is based on an estimated funding of $64 million and covers 47 districts across several Yemeni governorates, particularly areas among the most agriculturally fragile. Its work is scheduled to continue until next December.

The UNDP is focusing on developing agricultural infrastructure and strengthening rural communities’ ability to cope with climate change, in cooperation with the Social Fund for Development and the Public Works Project.

Yemeni agricultural engineer Saeed al-Sharjabi told Asharq Al-Awsat that coffee farming in Yemen needs a package of infrastructure measures, including linking production areas to a network of main, secondary, and agricultural roads to reduce transport costs.

A Yemeni woman displays a sample of coffee beans harvested from her farm. (United Nations)

He said such roads could also support eco-tourism or agritourism.

Sharjabi called for building dams, barriers and water reservoirs, connecting them to suitable irrigation networks that help rationalize water consumption, establishing nurseries to produce coffee seedlings, setting technical standards for them, and encouraging investment in coffee-related fields such as production, marketing and the manufacture of environmentally friendly production supplies.

Project activities included rehabilitating more than 201 kilometers of agricultural roads, helping farmers reach their land and markets more easily. They also included building and improving water reservoirs with a total capacity of more than 200,000 cubic meters to reduce reliance on seasonal rainfall and support more stable irrigation.

According to UNDP data, the project provided more than 1.3 million workdays, including about 130,000 for women, while more than 22,000 farmers improved their access to water.

Samir al-Maqtari, an agricultural engineer and government employee, said many agricultural lands in rural Taiz have been abandoned due to water shortages or internal migration in search of services.

He warned that this threatens to leave the land exposed to deterioration and collapse because of sudden heavy rains after years of drought and desertification.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Maqtari urged the government, the UN and international authorities to expand projects that support food security and to seize the opportunity created by thousands of farmers abandoning qat by supporting its replacement with coffee trees, especially since the environmental and climatic conditions needed for both crops are largely similar.

Initial results show that better water management is a decisive factor in protecting coffee farming, which has traditionally depended on fluctuating rainfall. These interventions also help reduce crop losses, stabilize farmers’ incomes and strengthen rural communities’ resilience.