New Gallup Poll Shows How Americans’ Sympathies Have Shifted in Palestinian-Israeli Conflict 

Palestinian men carry the body of a person killed in an Israeli military strike, as they maneuver past the debris of building destroyed by the Israeli military, during their funeral in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip on February 27, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinian men carry the body of a person killed in an Israeli military strike, as they maneuver past the debris of building destroyed by the Israeli military, during their funeral in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip on February 27, 2026. (AFP)
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New Gallup Poll Shows How Americans’ Sympathies Have Shifted in Palestinian-Israeli Conflict 

Palestinian men carry the body of a person killed in an Israeli military strike, as they maneuver past the debris of building destroyed by the Israeli military, during their funeral in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip on February 27, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinian men carry the body of a person killed in an Israeli military strike, as they maneuver past the debris of building destroyed by the Israeli military, during their funeral in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip on February 27, 2026. (AFP)

American sympathies in the Middle East have shifted dramatically toward the Palestinians, according to new Gallup polling, after decades of overwhelming support for the Israelis.

That shift accelerated during the war in Gaza. Three years ago, 54% of Americans sympathized more with the Israelis, compared to 31% for the Palestinians.

Now, their support is about evenly balanced, with 41% saying their sympathies lie more with the Palestinians, and only 36% saying the same about the Israelis.

The numbers reflect how support for Israel has become deeply contentious in the US, with profound implications for American politics and foreign policy. The changing sentiment has been largely driven by Democrats, who are now much more likely to sympathize with Palestinians. US assistance to Israel has been a major dividing line in the party’s primaries this year.

Gallup’s data indicates that the shift was already happening before Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, then increased during Israel’s subsequent military operations in Gaza. The polling has a margin of error of plus or minus 4 percentage points, meaning sentiment toward Israelis and Palestinians are roughly even.

“It’s the first time they have reached parity, which is really quite striking,” said Benedict Vigers, a senior global news writer at Gallup. “In not many years, that very significant gap in public opinion has now completely closed.”

Democrats and independents

About two-thirds of Democrats now say their concerns lie more with the Palestinians, while only about 2 in 10 sympathize more with the Israelis. As recently as 2016, the picture looked very different: About half of Democrats sympathized more with the Israelis and only about one-quarter sympathized with the Palestinians.

The shift began even before the Israel-Hamas war turned the issue into a flash point within the Democratic Party. Palestinian fighters killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, in the initial attack and took another 251 hostage, but the Israeli response has been widely seen as disproportionate, with Gaza health officials reporting more than 72,000 Palestinians killed, nearly half of them women and children, and wide swaths of the territory reduced to rubble.

Many progressive politicians and activists now describe Israel’s actions in the war as genocide — a charge Israel vehemently denies.

Democrats have expressed greater sympathy for the Palestinians than the Israelis since 2023 — in a Gallup poll that was conducted before the Oct. 7 attacks — but Gallup’s surveys show their support in the conflict has been tilting toward the Palestinians and away from the Israelis since around 2017.

Some of that early decline in sympathy appeared to be tied to disapproval of the right-leaning Israeli leader, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose favorability in the US fell nearly 15 percentage points between 2017 and 2024, according to separate Gallup polling.

Netanyahu clashed with former President Barack Obama in the last year of his administration, then forged a warmer relationship with President Donald Trump, who delivered several victories to Netanyahu in his first term, including recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights. Trump also persuaded three Arab countries to establish commercial and diplomatic ties with Israel. The closeness between Trump and Netanyahu has continued into Trump’s second term.

The conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians was a point of tension for Democrats during President Joe Biden’s administration, as well as during the 2024 presidential election.

An AP-NORC poll conducted toward the end of 2023, just a few months into the war in Gaza, found that Democrats were sharply divided on whether the US was too supportive of Israel, and another AP-NORC poll from 2024 found that Democratic voters were more likely to say the Israeli government held “a lot” of responsibility for the war’s escalation.

Democrats’ sympathy for the Palestinians intensified as the war progressed, Gallup’s polling shows, and independents’ views also shifted. This year, independents expressed more sympathy for the Palestinians than the Israelis for the first time in Gallup’s trend. About 4 in 10 independents are more sympathetic toward the Palestinians. That’s compared to about 3 in 10 for the Israelis, a new low.

Most Republicans continue to side with Israel — about 7 in 10 say they are more sympathetic to the Israelis — but that is a slight downtick from about 8 in 10 before the start of the war. Some figures in the Republicans’ isolationist “America First” wing are also increasingly questioning traditional US support for Israel.

Generational gaps

Younger adults — those 18 to 34 in this poll — are also increasingly sympathetic toward the Palestinians, according to the Gallup survey.

Younger Americans’ sympathies have been shifting toward the Palestinians since around 2020, and reached a new high this year. About half of 18- to 34-year-olds say they have more sympathy for the Palestinians, compared to about a quarter who say that about the Israelis.

Student protests against the Israel-Hamas war appeared on college campuses around the country during the war, asking colleges to cut investments supporting Israel.

But the shift is only “partly a generational story,” according to Vigers.

The new poll also found for the first time that middle-aged Americans, those 35 to 54, expressed more sympathy for the Palestinians than the Israelis — a reversal from last year. And while Americans over 55 are more sympathetic toward Israel, that gap is narrowing, too.

“With adults over 55, they are more sympathetic to Israelis, but it’s as low as it’s been since 2005,” Vigers said.

Palestinian state

About 6 in 10 US adults, 57%, favor the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, according to the new polling. That’s not significantly different from recent years, as at least half of US adults have supported an independent Palestinian state since 2020.

Vigers notes that “party polarization is at or near its record high” on this question, even though it hasn’t been sharply increasing year over year.

In the last few years, there’s been an uptick among Democrats and independents in support for the two-state solution. Now, about three-quarters of Democrats and roughly 6 in 10 independents say they support an independent Palestinian state. Only about one-third of Republicans say the same.

The opinions of the people who would be directly affected by a two-state solution are quite different. Only about 3 in 10 Israelis living in Israel and Palestinians living in the West Bank and east Jerusalem said they supported a two-state solution in which an independent Palestinian state existed alongside Israel, according to the Gallup World Poll conducted in 2025.

“On the ground, in the region, far fewer Israelis and Palestinians tell us that they are in favor of the two-state solution than Americans when asked a very similar question,” Vigers said. “There is that interesting sort of disconnect between the region itself and Americans’ views toward it.”



Iran’s Guards in Lebanon: From War Rooms to Front Lines

Billboards showing Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei and his father, Ali Khamenei, with the slogan “Thank you, Iran,” are displayed on the airport road toward southern Lebanon. (Reuters)
Billboards showing Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei and his father, Ali Khamenei, with the slogan “Thank you, Iran,” are displayed on the airport road toward southern Lebanon. (Reuters)
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Iran’s Guards in Lebanon: From War Rooms to Front Lines

Billboards showing Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei and his father, Ali Khamenei, with the slogan “Thank you, Iran,” are displayed on the airport road toward southern Lebanon. (Reuters)
Billboards showing Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei and his father, Ali Khamenei, with the slogan “Thank you, Iran,” are displayed on the airport road toward southern Lebanon. (Reuters)

Since the latest war erupted in Lebanon, evidence has mounted of a direct role by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards in managing the fight alongside Hezbollah. But the scale and nature of that role, and the number of Iranians involved, remain unclear.

With no precise figures available, several accounts point to the presence of Iranian personnel and officers in Lebanon during the war, both in command roles and on the battlefield.

Revolutionary Guards officers in the battle

In March, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam moved to curb what was seen as the Revolutionary Guards’ chaotic access to Beirut.

He asked the authorities to take the necessary steps to prevent any military or security activity by members of the Revolutionary Guards in Lebanon ahead of their deportation. The Cabinet also decided to reinstate visa requirements for Iranians entering Lebanon.

One of the strongest signs of Revolutionary Guards' involvement was the killing of Guards officers in an Israeli strike on the Ramada Hotel in Beirut’s Raouche district on March 8.

Iran announced the deaths in a letter to the UN secretary-general. Iran’s permanent representative to the United Nations, Amir Saeid Iravani, said four Iranian diplomats had been killed in the attack. They were later mourned in Iran as Revolutionary Guards officers.

Information in Beirut indicated that the Iranians entered the capital using genuine Lebanese passports issued under different names. Additional passports belonging to others linked to the Revolutionary Guards were found inside the targeted room.

That prompted MP Ghada Ayoub to file a report with the Public Prosecutor’s Office at the Court of Cassation, requesting an investigation into information alleging that Lebanese passports had been issued under false names or in violation of legal procedures to people linked to armed groups.

The report also cited evidence that Lebanese travel documents were used to conceal the real identities of Revolutionary Guards personnel.

Other reports also pointed to a direct Iranian presence in the fighting.

During the battle over what is known as the Ali al-Taher Heights, media outlets quoted a senior Israeli security source as saying on Monday that several Iranian officers were in the area in southern Lebanon. The source said they held key positions in managing the battle and coordinating operations on the Lebanese front.

According to that information, one main reason behind Iran’s insistence on halting the Israeli ground operation there was concern for the lives of those officers, or fear they could be captured if the field advance continued.

At the same time, media outlets and online platforms in the past two days circulated posts attributed to the Revolutionary Guards offering salaries of up to $1,000 to those willing to fight alongside Hezbollah.

The posts were seen as another sign of the scale of Iranian involvement in the war in Lebanon.

“One front and a joint operations room”

Retired Brig. Gen. Hassan Jouni, a military expert, said the organic relationship between Hezbollah and Iran makes it difficult to separate the Lebanese and Iranian fronts.

“What happened in the war clearly showed that the two fronts were managed as one front, within a joint operations room and under a unified operational plan aimed at scattering and exhausting Israeli air-defense systems,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said that the pattern reflected unified battle management and decision-making. It showed, he added, that the confrontation was not two separate fronts, but one linked theater of operations coordinated directly by Iran and Hezbollah.

From operations rooms to the battlefield

While the presence of Iranian officers in operations rooms now appears settled, the number of Iranian fighters on the ground remains unclear.

Political analyst Kassem Kassir, who is close to Hezbollah, stirred controversy two days ago when he spoke of 50,000 Iranian fighters taking part in the war in Lebanon and 10,000 of them being killed. The remarks triggered surprise and questions in Lebanon.

Kassir later said his comments were made in response to accounts portraying the war as a direct Iranian-Israeli confrontation on Lebanese soil. He said the exaggerated figures were meant to show how unrealistic such claims were.

“The exaggeration in the figures I mentioned is proof that the matter is not true,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Political analyst Ali al-Amine offered a different reading. He said the latest war had carried, from the start, the character of an Iranian-Israeli confrontation on Lebanese soil. He pointed first to the Revolutionary Guards officers killed in the Beirut hotel.

“After the assassination of Hezbollah’s first-tier leaders in 2024, foremost among them Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, along with a number of elite commanders and Radwan Force leaders, a major vacuum emerged inside the party’s command structure,” al-Amine told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“That required Revolutionary Guards leaders and officers to come to Lebanon to manage the battle and oversee operations. They were not ordinary fighters, but high-level specialized officers who took charge of command, coordination and field axes.”

He said the Revolutionary Guards and Hezbollah have an intertwined organizational and military structure, not merely an alliance between two separate partners.

Non-Lebanese bodies in the south

Al-Amine also spoke of a large number of non-Lebanese fighters in the south.

“After the ceasefire, operations began to recover bodies from southern villages, but in some areas, residents were initially asked not to go there,” he said.

“The scale of destruction was one main reason. But there was another reason: a large number of bodies under the rubble of homes. It emerged that some of the dead were not Lebanese, including Iranians and Palestinians from the camps, in addition to information about Iraqis who took part in the battles.”

He said the Iranians, as a core part of battle management, were not only in operations rooms but also present on some field axes.

At the same time, he said, there was a broad blackout on the scale of human losses. Hezbollah no longer publishes detailed death notices as it did in the past, he said, limiting itself to announcing the deaths of senior figures. That raised questions about the real number of dead and the identities of some of them.

He said body-recovery operations were being carried out only by Hezbollah and the Islamic Health Association, while the Red Cross was kept away.

“If that indicates anything, it is that there are people whose real identities or nationalities are not meant to be revealed, or who are not meant to be included on the official lists of Lebanese dead,” he said.

1,000 Hezbollah dead and 500 missing

Kassir, however, denied that Hezbollah faced a shortage of fighters. He said the nature of the current battle no longer required the same numbers as previous stages, and that Hezbollah had enough fighters to carry out its missions.

Hezbollah does not announce its death toll and has stopped issuing death notices since the start of this war. Kassir estimated that about 1,000 Hezbollah fighters had been killed in the latest war, with about 500 more missing.

He said the death of any Iranian fighters or officers in battle could not be hidden. The announcement of the deaths of the four Iranian officers at the Raouche hotel, he said, proved that any similar Iranian losses would have been officially announced.


‘Inhumane’: Gaza Flotilla Activists Recount Israeli Detention Ordeal

Boats of a new humanitarian flotilla bound for the Gaza Strip make a symbolic leave from Barcelona's Port Vell on April 12, 2026 as the departure of the flotilla has been postponed due to bad weather. (AFP)
Boats of a new humanitarian flotilla bound for the Gaza Strip make a symbolic leave from Barcelona's Port Vell on April 12, 2026 as the departure of the flotilla has been postponed due to bad weather. (AFP)
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‘Inhumane’: Gaza Flotilla Activists Recount Israeli Detention Ordeal

Boats of a new humanitarian flotilla bound for the Gaza Strip make a symbolic leave from Barcelona's Port Vell on April 12, 2026 as the departure of the flotilla has been postponed due to bad weather. (AFP)
Boats of a new humanitarian flotilla bound for the Gaza Strip make a symbolic leave from Barcelona's Port Vell on April 12, 2026 as the departure of the flotilla has been postponed due to bad weather. (AFP)

Cracked bones, humiliation, sexual assault: Pro-Palestinian activists recounted the abuse they say they suffered from Israeli authorities for taking part in a Gaza-bound aid flotilla last month, which has sparked multiple investigations and international outcry.

France, Italy and Australia have launched probes into the allegations of abuse, which Israeli authorities deny, after more than 430 activists from around the world were detained during the latest attempt by an aid flotilla to break the blockade of the war-battered Gaza Strip.

French nationals Meriem Hadjal, Noe Tissot and Malika Baouya were on the boat Peluxo carrying school supplies, infant formula and medicines when Israeli speedboats intercepted them in international waters.

The activists said they were taken from the boat and violently herded together at sea onto what some called the "torture prison ship".

"I was dragged by the arm and lifted up with my hands tied behind my back. I screamed in pain, I thought my arm had been torn off," said nurse Baouya.

"We walked with our heads down, hands behind our necks. We were made to lie on the floor, in stagnant seawater. Men were tased," she added.

Stripped to little clothing and fitted with numbered wristbands, the activists -- backs bent and limbs shackled -- say they were led one by one towards a dark container.

- 'Afraid they would kill me' -

"When the door opened, I saw a fellow prisoner lying on the floor with his trousers down," said Hadjal, 38.

"A soldier started groping my breasts... I was slapped hard. Then again. Some soldiers tried to push me towards the back of the container. I was afraid they would kill me."

Baouya said she saw an activist on the ground being beaten before three men grabbed her.

One soldier "lifted me up by my hair", while another "tried to rip off my underwear", she said.

The Israeli army told AFP it "rejects allegations of abuse by Israeli soldiers during the operations to protect the legal naval security blockade", saying it requires "respectful and appropriate treatment of flotilla participants on the intercepted vessels".

Speaking to AFP in Melbourne, Australia, activist Violet Coco said soldiers had laughed as they "bashed" her, hitting her in the head and kicking her repeatedly.

Her hand was injured as she tried to protect herself from their blows, she said.

"They were groping into my private parts, I ended up with bruises on my breasts and other places."

The activists were confined for several days to a part of the ship's deck surrounded by containers topped with barbed wire, visible in a highly criticized video released by Israel's far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.

There, Baouya -- who says she suffered a cervical spine fracture after the ordeal -- was with "around a hundred others with disheveled hair and bloodied faces".

Hadjal, who says her foot was injured, said she saw another detainee "come out of the torture container with a swollen face, in a state of shock".

The activists said they slept on the freezing metal and wood floors of the containers, lacking water, hygiene and food, as seawater seeped everywhere.

They accused soldiers of aiming stun grenades and rubber bullets at them.

- 'Speaking out' -

The activists were taken ashore in Israel and detained in Ktziot prison, where they said they met further abuse -- allegations the Israeli prison service has denied.

Security personnel "were insulting us, making animal noises and hitting us with their rifle butts" as we arrived near the port, 32-year-old Tissot told officers of France's crimes against humanity unit.

Inside a tent, "a soldier landed a massive punch on my head and ribs", cracking one, he said in his official statement.

Back in Germany after his release, 29-year-old social worker Johannes Happel told AFP his head had been "slammed against a tent pole" and he "saw a friend being punched and repeatedly thrown to the ground".

"Cruel, sadistic and inhumane are the adjectives that spring to mind for everything I saw," he added.

Another Australian activist, Neve O'Connor, described being forcefully taken off the boat and thrown onto a concrete floor.

"All you can hear is the Israeli national anthem as they're playing it on repeat," she said. "It's so loud and you can hear your friends screaming."

"What we experienced, protected by our passports, is just a taste of what Palestinian prisoners go through," said Hadjal, who sees her testimony as "a weapon".

Baouya, who will give evidence in the French investigation, said she and others were "speaking out not for ourselves, but for the Palestinians".


Italy Slams NATO Chief's Comments on Iran War Flights

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte holds a press conference ahead of a Defense Ministers meeting at the Alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium June 17, 2026. REUTERS/Yves Herman
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte holds a press conference ahead of a Defense Ministers meeting at the Alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium June 17, 2026. REUTERS/Yves Herman
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Italy Slams NATO Chief's Comments on Iran War Flights

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte holds a press conference ahead of a Defense Ministers meeting at the Alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium June 17, 2026. REUTERS/Yves Herman
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte holds a press conference ahead of a Defense Ministers meeting at the Alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium June 17, 2026. REUTERS/Yves Herman

Italy on Wednesday criticized comments by NATO chief Mark Rutte on the politically sensitive issue of US forces using bases in Italy during the Iran war.

Responding to President Donald Trump's criticism of NATO allies for not supporting the US, Rutte told Fox News that Europe was in fact a "platform of power projection for the United States".

"Five hundred US planes took off from US bases in Italy to support (Operation) Epic Fury. So this is massive," Rutte told the network ahead of an expected meeting with Trump.

He said there were between 4,000 to 5,000 sorties by US planes from European bases during the conflict.

Italy's defense ministry in a statement said Rutte's words gave "a completely misleading message by confusing the type of flights that were authorized".

It said Italy had allowed only "technical and logistical, non-kinetic" US flights during Epic Fury under existing agreements with the United States.

"On the occasions when a request was put forward that fell outside this scope, as is well known, Italy did not grant authorization," the statement said.

Authorization for any use of the bases for combat missions has to come from the government which in turn needs to get the go-ahead from parliament.

Trump and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni have sparred publicly in recent months after the US president criticized Italy for not helping US action in Iran.

He said Meloni was doing "poorly in Italy" and suggested this was linked to her refusal to let the United States use Italian "landing strips or runways" during the conflict with Iran.

Trump also revived his long-running complaint that the United States spends heavily to protect "so-called" NATO allies, saying Washington contributes hundreds of billions of dollars to defend Italy and others.