Macron to Set Out How France’s Nuclear Arms Could Protect Europe

 French President Emmanuel Macron attends a joint news conference with Slovenia's Prime Minister Robert Golob at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France, Friday, Feb. 27, 2026. (AP)
French President Emmanuel Macron attends a joint news conference with Slovenia's Prime Minister Robert Golob at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France, Friday, Feb. 27, 2026. (AP)
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Macron to Set Out How France’s Nuclear Arms Could Protect Europe

 French President Emmanuel Macron attends a joint news conference with Slovenia's Prime Minister Robert Golob at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France, Friday, Feb. 27, 2026. (AP)
French President Emmanuel Macron attends a joint news conference with Slovenia's Prime Minister Robert Golob at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France, Friday, Feb. 27, 2026. (AP)

French President Emmanual Macron is Monday to reveal his vision for how France's nuclear arsenal could bolster defense in Europe, with the continent scrambling to re-arm against an aggressive Russia and as Washington turns away.

The speech by Macron, at France's Ile Longue nuclear submarine base, will be closely watched across Europe, which for decades has relied on the United States' nuclear deterrent but is now increasingly debating whether to bolster its own arsenals.

He is expected to update France's nuclear doctrine, with a member of his team telling AFP to expect "fairly significant shifts and developments" but declining to give any further details.

Macron has previously proposed to consider how France -- the European Union's only nuclear power -- could contribute to protecting Europe.

He said this month he is considering a doctrine that could include "special cooperation, joint exercises, and shared security interests with certain key countries".

Last year, Macron said he was ready to discuss possible deployment of French aircraft armed with nuclear weapons in other European countries.

France maintains the world's fourth-largest nuclear arsenal, estimated at around 290 warheads. Britain, which exited the EU in 2106, is the only other European nuclear power.

By contrast, the United States and Russia, the world's two main atomic powers, have thousands of nuclear warheads each.

Reassurances from US officials that Washington's deterrent would continue to cover Europe under the NATO alliance have done little to quell European fears of fickleness under US President Donald Trump.

"It is clear that we will need to reflect together on how French and British deterrence can fit into a more assertive European defense," Bernard Rogel, who served as top military adviser to Macron, told AFP.

- '27 buttons' -

This month, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said that he was holding "confidential talks with the French president about European nuclear deterrence".

Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer has said the UK's nuclear deterrent already protects fellow NATO members, but stressed that he was "enhancing our nuclear cooperation with France".

But how exactly nuclear cooperation would work between the EU's 27 states is another story.

Rogel insisted that control over the launch decision will remain in French hands.

"I can't see us having 27 buttons. From a credibility standpoint, that just doesn't work," he said.

On top of that, France's austerity drive and strains in the relationship between it and fellow EU powerhouse Germany, have exposed fault lines in any potential security agreement.

This month, German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul criticized French defense spending, calling for Paris to do more to turn calls for European security sovereignty into concrete action.

"We are looking forward to and eagerly await another speech by the French president," Wadephul added.

But Rafael Loss, a policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said leaders should find confidence in European support for strengthening nuclear deterrence.

He said people in Bulgaria, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Switzerland now tend to support rather than oppose the idea of developing an alternative European nuclear deterrent.

"French and British nuclear forces -- as the core of a future European strategic deterrent -- likely need to grow in size and change composition (or both)," he wrote.

While a NATO member, France does not make its atomic weapons available to the alliance.

But in his last nuclear doctrine update in 2020, Macron called for dialogue among EU countries about what role the French nuclear deterrent could play.

- 'Expectations' -

NATO's secretary-general at the time, Jens Stoltenberg, dismissed Macron's call for strategic dialogue in Europe, arguing that a "tried and tested" deterrent was already in place.

But the picture changed after Russian leader Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine in 2022, repeatedly brandishing the threat of Moscow's nuclear arsenal, while Trump has pushed Europe down his list of priorities.

Florian Galleri, a historian specializing in contemporary military studies and nuclear doctrines, also warned that Macron would have to tread carefully, pointing to his low approval ratings one year before the end of his presidency.

"This speech creates expectations," he said. "If it is weak, people will wonder why it was made in the first place. If it is strong, with real changes, the consequences could be significant."

But Macron's address could also spark a domestic political backlash ahead of the 2027 presidential election, in which Marine Le Pen's Euroskeptic far right is seen as having its best chance yet at winning the top job.

"The fear is that it could discredit any form of European dimension," said Galleri.



USS Gerald R. Ford Aircraft Carrier Leaves Middle East

 The USS Gerald R. Ford in the waters of the Eastern Mediterranean, Oct. 11, 2023. (Jacob Mattingly/US Department of Defense/AFP)
The USS Gerald R. Ford in the waters of the Eastern Mediterranean, Oct. 11, 2023. (Jacob Mattingly/US Department of Defense/AFP)
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USS Gerald R. Ford Aircraft Carrier Leaves Middle East

 The USS Gerald R. Ford in the waters of the Eastern Mediterranean, Oct. 11, 2023. (Jacob Mattingly/US Department of Defense/AFP)
The USS Gerald R. Ford in the waters of the Eastern Mediterranean, Oct. 11, 2023. (Jacob Mattingly/US Department of Defense/AFP)

The USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier has left the Middle East after taking part in operations against Iran, a US official said Friday, leaving two of the massive American warships in the region.

The Ford is currently in the US European Command area of responsibility, according to the official, who put the number of remaining US Navy ships in the Middle East at 20, including the USS Abraham Lincoln and USS George H.W. Bush aircraft carriers.

The Ford has been at sea for more than 10 months -- a deployment that has already seen it take part in US operations in the Caribbean, where Washington's forces have carried out strikes on alleged drug-smuggling boats, interdicted sanctioned tankers and seized Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro.

A fire broke out in a laundry room aboard the carrier on March 12, injuring two sailors and causing major damage to some 100 beds, according to the US military.

The carrier has also reportedly suffered significant problems with its toilet system while at sea, with US media reporting clogs and long lines for restrooms on the ship.

The United States and Iran are currently in an open-ended ceasefire, but the conflict remains unresolved, with Tehran blocking the vital Strait of Hormuz waterway and Washington's forces blockading Iranian ports.


US Treasury Warns Shippers Not to Pay Hormuz Tolls, Even in Form of Charity

 An Emirati patrol boat, left, is near a tanker anchored in the Gulf of Oman near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from a coastal road near Khor Fakkan, United Arab Emirates, Friday, May 1, 2026. (AP)
An Emirati patrol boat, left, is near a tanker anchored in the Gulf of Oman near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from a coastal road near Khor Fakkan, United Arab Emirates, Friday, May 1, 2026. (AP)
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US Treasury Warns Shippers Not to Pay Hormuz Tolls, Even in Form of Charity

 An Emirati patrol boat, left, is near a tanker anchored in the Gulf of Oman near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from a coastal road near Khor Fakkan, United Arab Emirates, Friday, May 1, 2026. (AP)
An Emirati patrol boat, left, is near a tanker anchored in the Gulf of Oman near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from a coastal road near Khor Fakkan, United Arab Emirates, Friday, May 1, 2026. (AP)

Any shippers paying tolls to Iran for passage through the Strait of Hormuz, including charitable donations to organizations such as the Iranian Red Crescent Society, are at risk of punitive sanctions, the US Treasury warned on Friday.

The Strait of Hormuz is one of the world’s most strategically vital maritime routes, with about 20% of the world’s ‌seaborne crude ‌oil and liquefied natural gas ‌flows passing ⁠through it.

Tehran has ⁠proposed fees or tolls on vessels passing through the Strait, as part of proposals to end the war with Israel and the United States.

The advisory, from Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control, said ⁠the US is aware of Iranian ‌threats to ‌shipping and demands for payments to receive safe passage ‌through the Strait.

The warning came as Iran ‌sent its latest proposal for negotiations with the US to Pakistani mediators, a move that could improve prospects for breaking an impasse in ‌efforts to end the Iran war.

OFAC said demands may include several ⁠payment ⁠options, including fiat currency, digital assets, offsets, informal swaps, or other in-kind payments, such as nominally charitable donations made to the Iranian Red Crescent Society, Bonyad Mostazafan, or Iranian embassy accounts.

"OFAC is issuing this alert to warn US and non-US persons about the sanctions risks of making these payments to, or soliciting guarantees from, the Iranian regime for safe passage," it said. "These risks exist regardless of payment method."


NATO and China: A Slow Alliance Confronts a Fast-Rising Rival

People visit the BYD booth at the Beijing Auto Show in Beijing on April 30, 2026. (Photo by Adek BERRY / AFP)
People visit the BYD booth at the Beijing Auto Show in Beijing on April 30, 2026. (Photo by Adek BERRY / AFP)
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NATO and China: A Slow Alliance Confronts a Fast-Rising Rival

People visit the BYD booth at the Beijing Auto Show in Beijing on April 30, 2026. (Photo by Adek BERRY / AFP)
People visit the BYD booth at the Beijing Auto Show in Beijing on April 30, 2026. (Photo by Adek BERRY / AFP)

NATO was established in 1949 to provide collective defense against the Soviet Union, based on the principle that an attack on one member is an attack on all. At the time, US President Harry Truman also sought to anchor an American presence in war-ravaged Europe to ensure security and prevent a strategic vacuum.

The collapse of the Soviet Union, along with the socialist bloc, brought the Cold War to an end and forced NATO to adapt. The alliance expanded its operations beyond Europe, intervening in the Balkans during the Bosnia and Kosovo wars, then in Afghanistan after the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States. It also undertook maritime missions to combat piracy, including off the Horn of Africa, alongside intelligence-sharing and counterterrorism cooperation.

NATO has since built partnerships with countries beyond its traditional scope and broadened its definition of threats to include cybersecurity, hybrid warfare, and energy security, as well as, more recently, the challenge posed by China.

In sum, NATO has evolved from a purely European defensive alliance into a broader global security actor, largely driven by the United States, while still maintaining a central focus on deterring threats within Europe.

In recent years, the Brussels-based alliance has expanded its attention toward the Indo-Pacific region for strategic reasons that extend beyond Europe. Chief among these are the interconnected nature of global security, particularly in cyberspace, the need to ensure resilient and unobstructed supply chains, and the rapid spread of advanced technologies that increasingly diminish the importance of geographic boundaries.

FILED - 03 April 2025, Belgium, Brussels: A NATO flag flies in the wind in front of the NATO headquarters in Brussels. Photo: Anna Ross/dpa

China’s Rise

Another key factor is the view of China’s rise as a strategic challenge reshaping the global balance of power. For NATO’s 32 member states, up from 12 at its founding, safeguarding trade routes is a priority, especially maritime corridors in the Indo-Pacific that are critical to the global economy.

These include the Strait of Malacca between Malaysia and Indonesia, the world’s most important shipping lane, linking the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea and carrying roughly 25 percent of global trade annually. It is also a vital artery for oil and energy flows to major Asian economies such as China, Japan, and South Korea.

NATO member states express “strategic concern” over China for several core reasons. First, China is rapidly modernizing its military, particularly in areas such as missile systems, space capabilities, and cyber operations, developments that are shifting the global balance of power.

Second, and closely linked, is China’s economic rise, reflected in initiatives such as the Belt and Road, which provide Beijing with avenues to expand its economic and political influence across Asia, Africa, and Europe. This expansion risks creating dependencies among countries in or near NATO’s strategic periphery.

Concerns are also fueled by growing ties between China and Russia, particularly following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, which could signal coordination between two major powers against the West.

At the same time, an indirect competition is underway over leadership in fields such as artificial intelligence, telecommunications networks, and semiconductors. NATO sees technological superiority as a core component of security.

The alliance has concluded partnership and cooperation agreements with Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, encompassing joint military exercises, intelligence sharing, and political coordination. However, NATO does not appear to be planning an expansion of membership into the Indo-Pacific, instead favoring flexible partnerships over a permanent military presence.