Lebanon’s Displaced Face Housing Crunch, Surging Rents, Municipal Curbs

A woman sits on the ground beside her belongings on Beirut’s seaside corniche (EPA)
A woman sits on the ground beside her belongings on Beirut’s seaside corniche (EPA)
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Lebanon’s Displaced Face Housing Crunch, Surging Rents, Municipal Curbs

A woman sits on the ground beside her belongings on Beirut’s seaside corniche (EPA)
A woman sits on the ground beside her belongings on Beirut’s seaside corniche (EPA)

As war erupted in Lebanon, scenes of displacement quickly returned to the streets. Roads filled with cars packed with families fleeing bombardment, while some displaced people spread out along the seaside corniche in Sidon and Beirut, waiting for shelter.

But the search for a roof has become an ordeal. Rental prices have surged to unprecedented levels, and available apartments are scarce, deepening a housing crisis that has forced many families to remain in their cars or on roadsides while they search for somewhere to stay.

In some areas, residents have refused to receive displaced families amid fears they could be targeted and anger at Hezbollah for engaging in the war again.

“As time passes, the chances of moving to safe housing are shrinking. There are not many options,” said Hassan Daoud.

“What is available does not suit us, or it is beyond our financial means,” he added, noting that some homes are too small for his family while others are far too expensive.

Daoud, a man in his thirties who fled on Monday from a village in the Bint Jbeil district, is still staying with his family of nine along the seaside corniche, living in their cars until they can secure suitable housing.

He said a woman asked for $2,000 to rent a semi-furnished apartment in the Barouk area of Mount Lebanon.

“Who knows how long we will stay there,” he said. “What we fear is that the war will drag on and we will be unable to pay rent for more than one month.”

Displaced families must now pay for many essentials they were unable to take with them when they fled. At the same time, their jobs and businesses have stopped, and their sources of income have dried up.

“We cannot afford such amounts,” Daoud said.

Multiple pressures

Like Daoud, thousands of displaced people have yet to find housing. For many, the immediate goal is simple: a roof to shelter their families.

But displacement carries heavy consequences, particularly as many people have yet to recover from the previous war.

Another form of hardship is faced by Haj Mustafa, who fled his village in Kafra in the Bint Jbeil district.

“It seems there is a municipal decision banning people from renting us homes simply because we are from the Shiite sect,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat, referring to measures taken by municipalities amid fears Hezbollah members could blend in among displaced families.

Mustafa described a long and exhausting journey.

“It lasted more than 25 hours. I felt dizzy many times and was extremely exhausted. I am 80 years old and can no longer endure such displacement. It is extremely bad.”

Speaking in a low voice, he added: “Perhaps what happened to us could have been avoided, I do not know. But we are not well. That is all I know.”

Several Lebanese municipalities have issued circulars requiring residents, property owners, investors and tenants to notify local authorities in writing before signing any rental contract or occupying residential apartments.

Officials say the measures aim to ensure administrative order and proper application of the law.

Rising rents

Crisis profiteers are also exploiting the growing demand for shelter, either by sharply raising rents or imposing strict conditions such as annual contracts or six months’ payment in advance.

Mona, displaced from the city of Tyre, said: “I thought $800 would provide suitable housing for my family of four. But we were surprised that this amount is not enough for a small two-room apartment without furniture.”

“Why are they doing this to us?” she told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Being forced into the war has already exhausted us.”

“We are losing, and we expect many more losses in lives and livelihoods. On top of that, we face rejection from fellow Lebanese of other sects. Of course we cannot generalize, but we are treated harshly and judged simply for belonging to a Shiite environment. They want to punish us for what the party did.”

Some landlords demand full payment for a year or six months upfront, such as $7,800 in advance for six months instead of $1,300 monthly. The conditions effectively limit available homes to wealthier displaced families.

At the same time, many Lebanese who experienced previous displacement and have the financial means kept their rented homes as a precaution and moved into them as soon as the war began.

Shelter centers

Meanwhile, many families are still waiting for rooms in official shelter centers. Some facilities have yet to open, leaving large numbers sleeping on the ground outside schools while they wait.

Dozens of people forced open the doors of some schools on Tuesday evening and entered them.

Lebanese authorities have published a list of shelter centers for displaced people, but the delay in opening some facilities has drawn criticism.

Sources at the Ministry of Education told Asharq Al-Awsat that shelter centers are opened gradually based on need, adding that the ministry responds immediately to requests from the Ministry of Social Affairs to open new centers.

According to official figures from the Disaster Risk Management Unit, the total number of shelter centers reached 171 on Monday. The number of displaced people stood at 29,347, while 52 people had been killed and 154 injured.

Mohammad Shamseddine, a researcher at the International Information organization, said the Bekaa region has seen fewer displaced people this time.

“The numbers are lower than during the same period in the previous war, when they reached 420,000,” he said. “Residents of frontline villages have still not returned since then because they lost their homes and livelihoods and the conditions for return and life there have not been restored.”

The United Nations said Tuesday that at least 31,000 people have been displaced in Lebanon due to Israeli bombardment and air strikes across several areas, particularly in the south and Beirut’s southern suburbs.

UNHCR spokesperson Babar Baloch told a news conference in Geneva that large-scale displacement has been reported after Israel issued evacuation warnings to residents of more than 53 Lebanese villages and carried out intensive air strikes there.

 



Palestinian Authorities Say Israeli Army Kills Teen in West Bank

Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)
Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)
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Palestinian Authorities Say Israeli Army Kills Teen in West Bank

Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)
Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)

Israel's military killed a Palestinian teenager in the occupied West Bank on Sunday, Palestinian health authorities said, while an Israeli and a Palestinian were wounded in separate incidents.

Israeli gunfire killed Islam Ahmad Maher Ajouri, 14, in the Askar refugee camp where he lived, outside Nablus in the north of the West Bank, the Palestinian health ministry announced.

Mohammed Abu Kashk, head of the Askar camp services committee, told AFP that the teenager was killed by Israeli forces during a raid on the camp.

"There were no clashes or confrontations that would justify shooting a child and killing him," he said.

According to a source from the Palestinian Red Crescent, Ajouri was hit in the chest by live ammunition. He was pronounced dead at Nablus National Hospital.

At his funeral, his uncle Ahmed Mohamed Zamzoum told AFP that the boy went outside during the army raid. "Every time the Israeli forces enter, one or more martyrs are killed," he said.

The Israeli army told AFP it was verifying the information.

In a separate incident, the army said it apprehended a man suspected of stabbing an Israeli earlier on Sunday in Al-Auja, in the central West Bank.

Israeli rescue service Magen David Adom said the 24-year-old victim had "a penetrating wound".

The man was evacuated to a hospital in Jerusalem, and his condition was described as "moderate".

According to the initial findings of the investigation, the victim parked near a shopping center and was "attacked from behind and stabbed in the shoulder", Israeli police said in a statement.

Hani Najum, the head of the Al-Auja village council, told AFP that "the Israeli army raided the village, deployed in its streets" and imposed a curfew.

In a third incident, the army reported that a "terrorist" attempted "to steal a weapon from an IDF soldier" near the Palestinian town of Taybeh, northeast of Ramallah, and that forces opened fire at the man, saying he was "neutralized".

Palestinian sources told AFP that the man, Aws Akram Maatan, from the village of Burqa east of Ramallah, suffered an injury to his foot and was taken to a Jerusalem hospital for treatment.

The head of the Burqa village council, Sayel Kanaan, said in a statement that Maatan had been shot "without justification".

Violence has surged in the West Bank, which Israel has occupied since 1967, since the start of the war in Gaza sparked by Hamas's October 2023 attack on Israel.

Israeli soldiers or settlers have killed at least 1,100 Palestinians since then, according to an AFP tally based on data from the Palestinian health ministry.

Over the same period, at least 48 Israelis have been killed in Palestinian attacks or during Israeli military operations, according to Israeli figures.


Tunisia Says Recovered 11 Migrants' Drowned Bodies

African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)
African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)
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Tunisia Says Recovered 11 Migrants' Drowned Bodies

African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)
African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)

The Tunisian national guard said Sunday it recovered 11 bodies from the sea after a boat carrying migrants sank off the country's southeastern coast, with three people still missing.

The boat was carrying 15 people, only one of whom was rescued after it sank some 14 nautical miles off the shore of Zarzis on Friday night.

"Search operations resulted in the recovery of three bodies yesterday and eight bodies today, bringing the total to 11," the national guard said in a statement.

Searches for the three remaining missing passengers were ongoing, it added.

On Saturday night, residents in Ben Guerdane -- the marginalized city near the Libyan border where 14 of the migrants were from -- staged protests, blocking roads and setting tires on fire over the shipwreck.

Tunisia, whose coast is some 145 kilometers (90 miles) from the Italian island of Lampedusa, is a key departure point for migrants seeking to make the perilous journey across the Mediterranean in search of better lives in Europe.

The central Mediterranean crossing is the deadliest migration route in the world, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

The IOM said earlier this month that the number of migrant deaths on the central Mediterranean route had more than doubled in the first four months of 2026 compared to the same period last year.

At least 914 migrants have died or gone missing along the route this year, according to the IOM.

In 2023, Tunisia signed a 255-million-euro ($290 million) deal with the European Union, nearly half of which was earmarked for tackling irregular migration.

The deal, strongly supported by Italy's hard-right government, aimed to bolster Tunisia's capacity to prevent boats leaving its shore.
 


The 'Ali al-Taher' Battle: A Test of Hezbollah’s Capabilities

A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
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The 'Ali al-Taher' Battle: A Test of Hezbollah’s Capabilities

A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)

The battle for the “Ali al-Taher” heights is placing Hezbollah before a difficult test that goes beyond its ability to defend the hill and prevent its fall. It also tests the effectiveness of the military strategies it has recently developed after conventional strategies failed over the past two years to counter Israel’s military and technological superiority.

Can Israel, through firepower, air power and surveillance, suffocate the force deployed in the area and undermine the conditions needed for its survival? Or can the underground fortifications, tunnels, storage facilities and combat capabilities prepared by Hezbollah give it room to continue wearing down Israeli forces and prolong the confrontation?

Ability to Maneuver

Retired Brigadier General Bahaa Hallal says that, regarding Hezbollah’s military position, “the land still has strategic value for it, but its defensive value automatically declines if it shifts from a controlled area to an exposed area under surveillance.” He explains: “The party’s core strength is not simply holding the hilltop, but its ability to operate in depth and particularly in the surrounding area, while Israel seeks to turn its air and intelligence superiority into permanent ground superiority.”

Hallal told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the main challenge facing Hezbollah is maintaining its ability to maneuver. If Israel manages to establish a presence, impose a buffer zone around the hill and prevent the party from moving, the balance of power will gradually begin to shift in its favor.”

In this context, underground fortifications are among the most important tools available to the defender. They can reduce the impact of air superiority, preserve a degree of continuity and survivability, and prevent the battle from being decided simply by control of the ground surface. Hallal cautions, however, that fortifications that provide protection from bombardment can become a burden if the area around them becomes besieged or isolated.

Isolated Pockets?

According to Hallal, this raises the central question in the “Ali al-Taher” battle: “Do the underground facilities still constitute an integrated network for maneuvering and communication, or have they become isolated pockets?”

Hallal says the ability to make decisions, communicate and implement them, while maintaining communication channels under pressure, will be among the main challenges facing Hezbollah. However, Hezbollah’s model, historically based on a degree of decentralization and flexibility, may mean that targeting a local position or commander would not necessarily be enough to bring down the entire system.

Hallal says the party’s strengths include geographical knowledge, organizational depth, the ability to exploit the mountainous terrain, and the capacity to continue operating despite losing positions. By contrast, he identifies Israel’s superiority in surveillance and air power, as well as the risk of isolation, as its main weaknesses.

He says that if Israel succeeds in separating “Ali al-Taher” from Hezbollah’s broader operational theater, the force there will face a more difficult defensive situation. He also considers the destruction of villages, roads and homes to be a major strategic pressure because it strikes part of the social and geographical environment in which any local force operates.

A Network of Tunnels

Retired Brigadier General George Nader describes the “Ali al-Taher” hill as being of major tactical importance because it overlooks a wide area north of the Litani River and large parts of the area south of it. He also points to its historical significance, as it was previously under Israeli occupation.

Nader told Asharq Al-Awsat that, according to the information on which he relies, the hill is an important position for the command of the Radwan Forces. It contains underground facilities and a network of tunnels linked to ammunition, logistics, missiles, drones, fighters and operations rooms.

A Bargaining Chip in Negotiations

Nader believes that Israeli control of the hill would give Israel greater leverage and a greater ability to impose its terms in future rounds of negotiations, particularly if it manages to turn military control into an established reality on the ground.

He believes Israel’s destructive and technological capabilities make the targeting of these facilities and tunnels a possibility, warning that the presence of large quantities of ammunition and missiles in the area could mean that any large-scale destruction operation would have major repercussions.

Major Israeli Attack

Based on this, Nader expects a major Israeli attack to seize the hill, considering that the objective could have political implications for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who seeks to use control of the site to demonstrate that he has succeeded in striking Hezbollah’s command center in the south, thereby enhancing the security of the northern settlements on the eve of Israeli electoral events.

As for Hezbollah’s options in response, Nader believes they appear limited given the difficulty of movement south of the Litani River. This, in his assessment, makes it difficult to divert Israeli forces or force them to disperse their efforts by opening other fronts of movement in the area.