Houthi Leader Signals Readiness to Enter the War in Support of Iran

Crowds of Houthis in Sanaa raise portraits of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei after his killing (Reuters)
Crowds of Houthis in Sanaa raise portraits of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei after his killing (Reuters)
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Houthi Leader Signals Readiness to Enter the War in Support of Iran

Crowds of Houthis in Sanaa raise portraits of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei after his killing (Reuters)
Crowds of Houthis in Sanaa raise portraits of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei after his killing (Reuters)

In a notable shift in rhetoric, Yemen’s Houthi leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi on Thursday signaled the group could join the war between Iran on one side and the US and Israel on the other, saying his fighters had their “hands on the trigger” and would move “at any moment if developments require it.”

Speaking during his daily Ramadan lectures, al-Houthi declared support for Iran and said the group was ready to escalate militarily if necessary. He claimed the confrontation underway was “a battle for the entire Muslim nation.”

Al-Houthi also praised what he described as “strong operations” carried out by Lebanon’s Hezbollah and said Iran-aligned Iraqi factions were continuing their military actions.

He urged supporters to stage mass demonstrations on Friday in Sanaa and other areas under the group’s control.

The remarks followed several days of notable restraint by the Houthis since the war erupted on Feb. 28, a pause that observers attributed to complex political and military calculations over the risks of direct involvement in a broader regional conflict.

Missile arsenal

In recent years, the Houthis have evolved from a local insurgency into a military force with relatively advanced weaponry, making it one of Iran’s most prominent regional proxies.

Military research centers estimate the group possesses a diverse arsenal of ballistic and cruise missiles; some developed locally from Iranian models with assistance from Iranian experts and Lebanon’s Hezbollah.

These include long-range missiles such as “Toufan,” with an estimated range of 1,350 to 1,950 km, as well as various versions of the “Palestine” cruise missiles, whose range can reach about 2,000 km.

Medium- and short-range systems include the “Burkan” missiles derived from the Iranian Shahab and Qiam families, with ranges of up to 1,200 km, as well as the short-range “Badr” missiles.

The Houthis have also developed anti-ship missiles such as “Asef” and “Tankil,” modified versions of Iranian missiles equipped with heavy warheads, giving the group the capability to target vessels in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden during its involvement in the Gaza war.

Drone warfare

Unmanned aerial vehicles form a cornerstone of the Houthis’ military strategy, largely because they are cheaper than ballistic missiles and can cause significant economic and psychological impact.

Among the most prominent systems are the “Samad” drones in several variants, particularly the Samad-3 loitering drone with an estimated range of 1,500 to 1,800 km. Some upgraded versions can travel even farther. Newer models, such as Samad-4, are capable of carrying guided munitions.

The group also operates “Waed” loitering drones, which closely resemble Iran’s Shahed-136 and are estimated to have a range of 2,000 to 2,500 km. Short-range “Qasef-2K” drones are widely used in tactical operations.

Military experts say the effectiveness of these drones lies not only in their destructive power but also in their ability to overwhelm air defenses and inflict economic damage by targeting ships or vital infrastructure at relatively low cost.

Naval capabilities

Houthi naval capabilities have expanded significantly over the past two years, with the group introducing new technologies, including unmanned boats and advanced naval mines, with support from Iranian experts.

These capabilities include explosive-laden unmanned boats such as the “Toufan” vessel, a remotely controlled high-speed craft designed to strike ships.

The group has also developed unmanned submersible vehicles capable of attacking vessels from below to evade surface detection systems.

The Houthis possess several types of naval mines planted in shipping lanes, posing a persistent threat to international trade in the Red Sea.

According to military estimates, the group relies on mobile launch platforms hidden within a wide network of tunnels and caves in northern and western Yemen.

In addition, the Houthis maintain a large stockpile of conventional weapons directed internally, with more than 300,000 recruits in their ranks, alongside armed tribal fighters loyal to the group.

Many of the resources in areas under their control have been devoted to recruitment and mobilization in recent years.

Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council chairman Rashad al-Alimi has described the group as “armed to the teeth” with Iranian weapons banned internationally, saying it has transformed from a local insurgency into a “cross-border terrorist organization” with an advanced arsenal.

Observers say any Houthi decision to directly join the regional war could open a new front in the Red Sea, further complicating the security landscape along one of the world’s most vital maritime corridors.

 



‘A Temporary Tactical Gain’… Israelis Underestimate the Occupation of Beaufort Castle

Israeli soldiers near Beaufort Castle inside Lebanese territory (Reuters).
Israeli soldiers near Beaufort Castle inside Lebanese territory (Reuters).
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‘A Temporary Tactical Gain’… Israelis Underestimate the Occupation of Beaufort Castle

Israeli soldiers near Beaufort Castle inside Lebanese territory (Reuters).
Israeli soldiers near Beaufort Castle inside Lebanese territory (Reuters).

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday saw the occupation of the Beaufort castle (Qalaat al-Shaqif), near the city of Nabatiyeh in South Lebanon, as a symbol of a heroic battle and a “dramatic shift” in Israel’s policy against Hezbollah.

However, analysts in Israel argued that the occupation of the castle is not enough to eliminate Hezbollah's threat or achieve a strategic shift in the war despite Israel's expanding offensive.

The severe criticisms, unprecedented since the October 7, 2023 attacks, came as the Israeli government and military officials have reportedly asked the US to approve an expansion of strikes in Beirut in line with the resumption of talks with the Lebanese cabinet.

They also came as the Israeli street accuse the government and the military of severe security failures, particularly with Hezbollah's daily use of explosive drones—reaching cities like Tiberias and Acre and towns in the lower Galilee region.

Maariv’s military correspondent Avi Ashkenazi described the occupation of the Beaufort castle as “nothing more than a tactical event” and warned that Israel was being dragged into a war of attrition in Lebanon without a clear political strategy.

Objectives of Bombing Beirut’s Southern Suburbs

On Monday, Netanyahu issued a joint statement with Defense Minister Israel Katz threatening to strike Hezbollah targets in Beirut’s southern suburbs “following repeated violations of the ceasefire.”

Right-wing paper Maariv said the military leadership intends to designate a variety of objectives for the attack, which fall into three main categories.

The first category includes the assassination of senior Hezbollah officials, most notably the party's Secretary-General, Naim Qassem. The second category aims to target command and control centers, where the Israeli army intends to destroy headquarters in the southern suburbs of Beirut from where Hezbollah relay instructions to forward headquarters in Tyre and Sidon.

The third category aims to attack weapons depots and apartments where Hezbollah stores various types of missiles, as well as drone depots, and even laboratories and technological systems used by the party to operate against Israeli forces.

On Sunday, Channel 12 said Netanyahu held a high-level security consultation, the second in 24 hours, amid Israeli efforts to get Washington to back strikes against Hezbollah in Beirut.

Netanyahu held a similar discussion on Saturday, as Jerusalem aims to shift from a strategy focused on holding territory in southern Lebanon to broader aerial operations, including in Beirut, according to the report.

But the channel said some top Israeli security officials strongly oppose a major, destructive attack on Beirut, arguing that such an operation would be another failed counterproductive move.

Killings and Destructions Don’t Bother Naim Qassem

Professor Eyal Zisser wrote at the Israel Hayom newspaper that Israel has been foolishly dragged into a war of attrition in southern Lebanon. “We are operating just slightly beyond the confrontation line and the border, and are losing soldiers.”

He also noted that Israel is paying a heavy price in losses. While warning against endless military quagmires that lack decisive endgame strategies, he said decisive military action remains necessary to protect Israel’s security interests.

“Needless to say, the killing of a few dozen of its operatives or the destruction of Shiite villages in southern Lebanon does not disturb Naim Qassem,” he wrote.

Nightmare of Beaufort Castle

Meanwhile, Ron Ben-Yishai wrote in the Yedioth Ahronoth that the capture of the Beaufort castle improves security and makes it more difficult for Hezbollah to operate. But it also places Israel and the military in a dilemma.

“If Israeli forces remain there, the history of a war of attrition may repeat itself. Unlike the years when Israel maintained a security zone in southern Lebanon, however, there is no South Lebanon Army today to shoulder the burden with Israeli troops,” he noted, adding that the military is already operating on at least three active fronts and faces a shortage of more than 10,000 combat soldiers.

This came as Israeli broadcast networks, including Channel 12, Channel 13, and Kan 11, interviewed soldiers returning from the southern Lebanon front, who described their experiences around Beaufort Castle as a “nightmare.”

A former general told Channel 12 that the capture of the castle is an important blow to Hezbollah, as it was carried out quickly compared to the time of Fatah and the PLO.

Israel previously occupied the site during its 1982 invasion of Lebanon and maintained a military presence there until withdrawing from southern Lebanon in 2000.

“But this will not constitute the devastating blow portrayed by Netanyahu. Hezbollah's main power centers in Beirut and the Bekaa had not been decisively hit while the Israeli army is not yet moving towards controlling Nabatieh,” he said.


France FM: 'Nothing Can Justify' Prolonged Israeli Occupation in Lebanon

French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot (Reuters)
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot (Reuters)
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France FM: 'Nothing Can Justify' Prolonged Israeli Occupation in Lebanon

French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot (Reuters)
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot (Reuters)

France's foreign minister said Tuesday that nothing could justify Israeli troops remaining deep inside Lebanon, after Israel and Hezbollah clashed overnight despite a US announcement that both sides had agreed to halt fighting.

"Nothing can justify the continuation of military operations and Israel's prolonged occupation deep inside Lebanese territory," Jean-Noel Barrot told France TV.


Barrack’s Appointment May Intensify US Pressure on Iraq to Disarm Factions

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets with US Embassy Chargé d'Affaires Joshua Harris on Sunday. (Prime Minister's press office)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets with US Embassy Chargé d'Affaires Joshua Harris on Sunday. (Prime Minister's press office)
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Barrack’s Appointment May Intensify US Pressure on Iraq to Disarm Factions

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets with US Embassy Chargé d'Affaires Joshua Harris on Sunday. (Prime Minister's press office)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets with US Embassy Chargé d'Affaires Joshua Harris on Sunday. (Prime Minister's press office)

The appointment of Tom Barrack as US presidential envoy to Iraq may lead to greater American pressure on Baghdad to meet its demand for the disarmament of factions allied to Iran in an effort to stem its influence in Iraq.

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has repeatedly spoken about the disarmament. So far, influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr was the only figure to comply, announcing that the Saraya al-Salam armed wing will become part of state institutions and come under the direct command of the armed forces.

The move was described as “encouraging”. Sadr, however, had distanced himself from Iran years ago, so it remains to be seen if any of the Tehran-aligned parties will also make a similar move.

Zaidi had declared on Saturday that he was “determined to end all armed presence outside the authority of the state” despite the pressure he is facing from powerful political forces.

He explained that the disarmament of factions will take place in phases and it began with Sadr’s announcement.

The Asaib Ahl al-Haq headed Qais al-Khazali, Badr Organization headed by Hadi al-Ameri, Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada, Kataib al-Imam Ali, Thar-Allah movement all spoke about the possibility of their disarmament, but they remained vague over how.

In contrast, the Kataib Hezbollah and Nujaba movement refuse to lay down their weapons.

Hussein al-Sheihani, member of the Sadiqoon movement’s politburo, the Asaib Ahl al-Haq's political wing, said the ruling pro-Iran Coordination Framework “is preparing a draft decision that organizes the process to limit possession of weapons.”

It also tackles “how to handle foreign forces in Iraq and discusses how to empower the security forces and air defense system.”

Meanwhile, a prominent Framework member said Barrack’s appointment will increase pressure on Zaidi and his backers in the coalition to address the issue of the possession of weapons outside state control.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity, he said: “The Framework is really interested in reaching a solution to this problem. It wants the process to be simple and away from sharp clashes with the government and factions.”

The official spoke of “possible scenarios” about resolving the issue, including “assuring the factions that they will not be persecuted legally and that they may be merged” with government bodies.

Reports have said that the US will not agree to their integration into government agencies until they lay down their weapons.

The official said that the “complete elimination of the factions from the scene is not possible given their military role and the political weight enjoyed by the factions inside the Framework,” which brought Zaidi to power.

Analyst and former diplomat Ghazi Faisal said that Barrack may have a role to play in pressuring the government to disarm the factions.

The process will be based on the constitution and laws that bar the formation of armed groups outside state control, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He noted the strategic agreement signed between Iraq and the US in 2008, adding that Barrack may offer support requested by the government, especially the interior and defense ministries, in line with the agreement.

Faisal said that with some factions saying they were ready to lay down their arms, the US wanting to confront Iran’s influence and the Iraqi government’s determination to impose state monopoly over weapons, all parties involved may resolve this file in the coming months.