After US Terror Listing, Sudan’s Brotherhood Faces Tough Choices

Sudan’s Islamist movement ruled with an iron grip for 30 years before a mass uprising that began on Dec. 19, 2018 toppled it (Reuters)
Sudan’s Islamist movement ruled with an iron grip for 30 years before a mass uprising that began on Dec. 19, 2018 toppled it (Reuters)
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After US Terror Listing, Sudan’s Brotherhood Faces Tough Choices

Sudan’s Islamist movement ruled with an iron grip for 30 years before a mass uprising that began on Dec. 19, 2018 toppled it (Reuters)
Sudan’s Islamist movement ruled with an iron grip for 30 years before a mass uprising that began on Dec. 19, 2018 toppled it (Reuters)

Sudan’s Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamic Movement has remained silent after the US designated it a “foreign terrorist organization,” a decision that took effect on March 16.

Nearly two weeks later, the group’s leadership, at home and abroad, has issued no statement clarifying its position or the potential fallout.

The designation also covers the armed Al-Baraa bin Malik Brigade, raising questions in political and Islamist circles over the movement’s future and its options to contain the impact, politically or militarily, as well as how it will deal with the international community.

‘Political’ move

Former ambassador and Islamic Movement member Haj Majid Suwar dismissed the US move as “political,” saying it lacks objective grounds and aims to push the movement out of politics while weakening the Sudanese army by targeting a force aligned with it.

He said the Islamic Movement, though initially influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood, later carved out a Sudan-specific path and cut ties early with the international organization. He described it as moderate, with no record of terrorist activity or extremist links.

That contrasts with rights reports that have accused the movement, during its time in power, of abuses including detention and torture in so-called “ghost houses,” as well as other violations documented by human rights groups.

Suwar, who held senior posts under ousted president Omar al-Bashir, denied any organizational link between the movement and the Al-Baraa bin Malik Brigade, calling such claims attempts to sow confusion. He said the brigade is part of the Popular Defense Forces and reserve units formed in 1987, and that its role in the current war falls under general mobilization, not ideological or political affiliation.

Silence from leadership

Secretary-General Ali Ahmed Karti, a former foreign minister, has not commented. The brigade has also stayed silent despite attempts to reach its leadership.

The US decision says Misbah Abu Zaid Talha leads more than 20,000 fighters in the brigade, whose members are believed to have received training and support from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.

The group has fought alongside the Sudanese army since the war erupted in April 2023 against the Rapid Support Forces.

Mohammed Badr al-Din, deputy head of the Popular Congress Party, said the designation was too broad and should have identified those directly driving the war and rejecting a political settlement.

He said authorities now face two hard choices: dissolve and ban the entities, risking internal confrontation, or try to sidestep the decision by changing names and fronts.

He warned that rebranding is unlikely to convince the international community, which is increasingly alert to such tactics, and could deepen Sudan’s isolation and economic pressure.

Analysts say a name change is one possible route. Islamist thinker Hassan Makki called it meaningless, describing the US move as largely symbolic with limited effect.

Suwar said a name change has long been discussed and did not rule it out, adding that dissolving the movement remains an option under its internal rules if leadership sees it as beneficial.

Jaafar Hassan, spokesperson for the “Somoud” (“Steadfastness”) Democratic Civil Alliance, said the designation marks the end of the Muslim Brotherhood’s influence in Sudan and the region.

He said it strips the group of legal cover, restricts its finances and members’ movement, and effectively removes it from politics while holding it responsible for the country’s worsening crisis and war.

Siddiq Farouk of the Sudanese Communist Party said successive US administrations had long dealt with the former regime before resorting to this step, suggesting the move could reshape political and economic influence and push the group toward deals with international actors to secure its survival.

With its leadership silent and scenarios diverging, the Islamic Movement faces a defining moment. Its next move, confrontation or adaptation, will be shaped by internal divisions and growing external pressure in a volatile landscape.



Lebanon’s Shiite Alliance United Against Israel Framework Deal, Divided Over Protests

Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)
Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)
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Lebanon’s Shiite Alliance United Against Israel Framework Deal, Divided Over Protests

Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)
Hezbollah supporters block the old airport road in Beirut’s southern suburbs with burning tires on Saturday to protest the 2026 trilateral agreement signed by the United States, Israel, and Lebanon (AFP)

Calls by Hezbollah supporters to take to the streets in protest against the US-sponsored framework agreement between Lebanon and Israel has drawn only a few dozen demonstrators in downtown Beirut.

Also, dozens of motorcyclists blocked the airport road before the Lebanese army reopened it, underscoring the limited scale of the protests.

Observers attributed this to the absence of supporters from the Amal Movement, led by Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, highlighting one of the main obstacles to any attempt to mobilize the street.

The Israel-Lebanon deal calls for Hezbollah to be disarmed before Israel will withdraw its troops from southern Lebanon. Israel agreed to withdraw initially from a couple of “pilot zones” where the Lebanese army would then deploy, but no details have been shared about how that will work in practice.

While Hezbollah and Amal - the two pillars of Lebanon’s Shiite alliance - remain united in rejecting the agreement, sources familiar with Amal’s position told Asharq Al-Awsat that the priority is to challenge it through constitutional institutions while keeping all options open as events unfold.

Opponents of the alliance, however, argue that there’s a growing discord between the two parties on how to navigate the next phase.

Unified rejection

Mohammad Khawaja, a member of the parliamentary Development and Liberation bloc, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the bloc categorically rejects the agreement, describing it as “a bad and completely unacceptable deal.”

Khawaja dismissed reports of differences between Amal and Hezbollah, insisting that “all talk of divisions within the Shiite duo is unfounded."

He added that the agreement was unacceptable in its current form and expressed hope that those behind it would reconsider it.

No decision on street protests

Sources within the Shiite duo told Asharq Al-Awsat that it is “premature” to offer assurances about whether street protests will or will not be held.

The sources said the current stage requires patience and that the alliance’s response will depend on political and constitutional developments surrounding the agreement. All options, they added, remain on the table.

That position broadly aligns with recent statements by Hezbollah officials, who have argued that the agreement “will not survive.”

At the same time, the party has sought to distance itself from recent street protests, saying they reflect public distrust of the authorities. While Hezbollah rejects both the agreement and the direct negotiations that produced it, it denies organizing or mobilizing the demonstrations.

Opponents of the Shiite alliance argue that differences are becoming increasingly apparent, particularly on how the agreement could reshape Lebanon’s domestic political landscape.

While both Hezbollah and Amal continue to emphasize their united rejection of the deal and favor constitutional and political channels for now, critics believe the coming months will reveal whether that cohesion endures or evolves into a more visible political divide.

Independent MP Ibrahim Mneimneh told Asharq Al-Awsat that Berri appears fully aware of the responsibility he bears and may seek to give state-building a genuine opportunity, while Hezbollah continues to rely on a highly polarizing political discourse.


Iraq Opens Special Account for Recovered Illicit Funds as Anti-Corruption Drive Expands

Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
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Iraq Opens Special Account for Recovered Illicit Funds as Anti-Corruption Drive Expands

Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi police personnel patrol in their vehicle along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi ordered on Monday the Finance Ministry to open a dedicated account for money recovered from illicit enrichment cases, as the government pressed ahead with its anti-corruption campaign. Meanwhile, the Federal Commission of Integrity said a draft law on asset recovery will soon be submitted to parliament.

Government spokesman Haider al-Aboudi revealed that the new account would hold funds recovered from people convicted of illicit enrichment, stressing that the government remains committed to protecting public money and strengthening state institutions.

In remarks to the state-run Iraqi News Agency (INA), al-Aboudi said the government had adopted a comprehensive approach to institutional reform and combating corruption.

He added that Operation Dawn had resulted in the arrest of 21 suspects, while others remain at large.

Investigators are using suspects’ confessions to uncover broader corruption networks involving additional individuals and assets, he revealed.

Separately, Abbas Mutib, director general of the Integrity Commission’s asset recovery department and deputy chairman of the Iraq Asset Recovery Fund, said the commission had made significant progress in digital transformation, enabling it to freeze substantial assets abroad and prevent those accused of corruption from disposing of them.

Mutib noted that the commission is coordinating with the Justice Ministry to pursue civil lawsuits aimed at recovering frozen assets overseas, adding that authorities have already succeeded in recovering sizable sums.

Former tax chief sentenced

The Federal Commission of Integrity also announced prison sentences against former General Commission for Taxes Director General Osama Hossam Jawdat and his wife after their conviction on money laundering charges.

According to the commission, the Central Criminal Court for Combating Corruption sentenced Jawdat to 10 years in prison and his wife to five years and one month under Iraq’s 2015 Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing Law.

The court ordered the couple to pay a fine of IQD 32.496 billion (about $25 million), confiscated 10 properties in Baghdad and 12 properties in Türkiye registered in the wife’s name, as well as seized cash, rental income, gold jewelry, and funds deposited in Kuwaiti and Turkish banks. It also ordered the freezing of their movable and immovable assets.

Broad public backing

An Iraqi security personnel stands guard along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

The government’s sweeping arrests on Sunday have drawn strong political and public support after targeting senior officials, lawmakers, and government directors, raising hopes that Iraq may finally curb corruption, which unofficial estimates say has cost the country more than $500 billion.

More than 50 suspects have been arrested so far, while some estimates suggest the number of wanted individuals could eventually exceed 1,000.

Dozens of activists gathered Sunday evening in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to express support for the campaign.

Influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr praised the “heroic reform measures,” saying the arrests had restored hope among Iraqis after years of entrenched corruption.

He commended the judiciary and security forces, particularly the Counter Terrorism Service, for carrying out the arrests.

More arrests expected

Ghalib al-Daami, a lecturer at the Iraqi Academy for Combating Corruption, told Asharq Al-Awsat that more than 50 prominent figures had already been detained and predicted the campaign could ultimately target more than 1,000 individuals.

While many observers doubt the crackdown will reach Iraq’s most powerful political leaders, al-Daami said he expects the “downfall” of three senior political figures in the coming days.

He also claimed the campaign has received direct US backing, particularly following the arrest of former Deputy Oil Minister Adnan al-Jumaili and another deputy minister, Ali Maarij al-Bahadli, who has been sanctioned by the US for allegedly facilitating Iranian oil sales.

Political scientist Firas Elias of the University of Mosul said the campaign represents “a real test of the state’s authority.”

Its success should be measured not by the number of arrests but by its ability to secure fair convictions and recover stolen assets, he added.

If the law is applied equally to everyone, the campaign could mark a turning point in relations between the state and Iraq’s political class, he remarked. But if it stops with selected figures or becomes a tool for settling political scores, it will quickly lose credibility and allow corruption to reemerge in new forms.


Gazans Turn to Clay, Rubble to Build New Homes

A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA
A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA
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Gazans Turn to Clay, Rubble to Build New Homes

A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA
A Palestinian boy makes his way across rubble near a displacement camp in Nuseirat, in the central Gaza Strip, on Sunday. Credit: AFP/EYAD BABA

While Gaza’s housing crisis remains catastrophic with cement and steel blocked by Israel from entering the Strip, some Palestinians are turning to improvised methods and other workarounds in a bid to make their shelters safer or more habitable.

Among those Palestinians is Jaafar Atallah, a potter in Gaza, who decided to build a home from the earth. It was to be like the bread ovens his family had been making for generations, but big enough for his parents to live in, according to the Financial Times.

Atallah gathered clay from an area of Gaza a few kilometers from his tent and — with the help of about 15 people, including his father, also a potter — he set about making mud bricks.

For months, they learned as they built. Finally, they completed a domed hut, “so solid you could stand on top of it”, said Atallah, whose project was backed by pottery groups around the world after he shared videos online.

The clay structure was a relief after the flimsy protection of the tent: “You can keep your food in this room. In a tent, tomatoes and cucumbers won’t last a day and will rot. Life in the tents is so hard. There is such heat in the summer, it is torture,” Atallah said.

Atallah’s experience reflects the reality of thousands of families looking for alternatives after almost all buildings in Gaza have been destroyed by two years of bombardment amid Israel’s ban on concrete and steel imports.

Several Gazans are reusing steel reinforcing bars and concrete from the debris of buildings, scavenging for cement lying underwater in the port and resorting to mud to make bricks and mortar.

“We already have clay in our land, we don’t have to manufacture it, we don’t need things that we have to get from the crossing [with Israel], which is at the whim of the occupation,” said Atallah, who even designed a waterproof glaze for the bricks. “The occupation does not control this. It’s from our land, our soil.”

According to the UN, 1.9 million Gazans are displaced or live in tents, which lack sanitation or other utilities.

Reconstruction of Gaza remains a distant dream for its people. Israel bans building materials from entering Gaza on the grounds that the materials may be used for military purposes such as tunnel construction.

In May, teenage sisters Tala, 17, and Farah Moussa, 15, won a youth-focused award from the Swiss-based Earth Foundation for recycling cement debris into bricks.

Displaced with their family five times since the start of the war, they now live in a tent in Nuseirat in the center of the Gaza Strip. “We got the idea when our house was bombed,” said Tala. “We thought we had to do something and find a solution that comes from the problem itself, so we are using the rubble.”

Tala said, “We made five or six prototypes before we got it right. We researched on the internet and in books. Now we want to use the [$12,500] prize money to set up workshops to teach others how to make bricks.”

Using mud and stones, Gaza residents rebuild homes destroyed in months of conflict, as lack of access to construction material leaves families with few options.

Their efforts reflect the ability to adapt to the most extreme conditions to restore a normal life, even within walls built from the earth and the debris of buildings.