Israeli Strikes on Lebanon Kill 4 Despite Ceasefire

This photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Marjeyoun shows smoke as it rises from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted the village of Arnoun on May 6, 2026. (AFP)
This photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Marjeyoun shows smoke as it rises from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted the village of Arnoun on May 6, 2026. (AFP)
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Israeli Strikes on Lebanon Kill 4 Despite Ceasefire

This photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Marjeyoun shows smoke as it rises from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted the village of Arnoun on May 6, 2026. (AFP)
This photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Marjeyoun shows smoke as it rises from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted the village of Arnoun on May 6, 2026. (AFP)

An Israeli strike in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa valley killed four people on Wednesday, while the Israeli army said it struck Hezbollah targets in the south, after warning residents of a dozen towns to evacuate.

Israel and Hezbollah have been trading accusations of violating the ceasefire agreement in force since April 17. Hezbollah has claimed responsibility for several operations targeting Israeli forces in southern Lebanon, as well as attacks on northern Israel.

An Israeli airstrike on the town of Zellaya, in the West Bekaa region, left at least four people dead, including two women and an elderly man, the Lebanese health ministry said.

Lebanese state media said the attack struck the house of the town's mayor, killing him and three members of his family.

The town was hit shortly before the Israeli army issued an evacuation warning that included Zellaya, along with 11 towns and villages in southern Lebanon, most of them north of the Litani River and outside the area occupied by Israeli soldiers.

The Israeli army later announced in a brief statement that it had "begun striking Hezbollah terror infrastructure sites in several areas in Lebanon" and renewed its evacuation warning.

Israel carried out airstrikes and artillery bombardment on a number of towns, including several whose residents had been warned to evacuate.

One of the strikes hit the town of Yohmor al-Shaqeef in the Nabatieh district.

AFP photos showed a cloud of smoke rising behind the town's historic Beaufort Castle, which Israeli forces used as a base during their two-decade occupation of southern Lebanon ending in 2000.

State media reported a series of airstrikes in the south, including a targeted strike on a car and "significant damage" to homes and infrastructure.

Hezbollah, for its part, announced in a series of statements that it had targeted Israeli forces and vehicles in a number of border towns in southern Lebanon.

It said the attacks were in response to "the Israeli enemy's violation of the ceasefire".

Israeli strikes in Lebanon have killed more than 2,700 people since March 2, including dozens since the April 17 ceasefire brokered by Washington between Israeli and Lebanese representatives.

The Israeli military says it has also lost 17 soldiers and a civilian contractor in the fighting.



Euphrates Flood Pushes Eastern Syria Up Gov’t Agenda

A member of the Syrian Civil Defense, also known as the White Helmets, carries a child after water levels rise due to increased dam releases following heavy rainfall this year, in Deir Ezzor, Syria, May 30, 2026. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
A member of the Syrian Civil Defense, also known as the White Helmets, carries a child after water levels rise due to increased dam releases following heavy rainfall this year, in Deir Ezzor, Syria, May 30, 2026. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
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Euphrates Flood Pushes Eastern Syria Up Gov’t Agenda

A member of the Syrian Civil Defense, also known as the White Helmets, carries a child after water levels rise due to increased dam releases following heavy rainfall this year, in Deir Ezzor, Syria, May 30, 2026. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
A member of the Syrian Civil Defense, also known as the White Helmets, carries a child after water levels rise due to increased dam releases following heavy rainfall this year, in Deir Ezzor, Syria, May 30, 2026. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi

The Euphrates River flood has forced Syria’s government into a swift push toward the eastern provinces, not only to contain rising water levels, but also to narrow the gap between residents there and the central administration in Damascus.

Some citizens accuse the government of looking only at the region’s wealth and oil, while its people endure the devastation left by war and decades of neglect.

President Ahmed al-Sharaa answered that charge by saying the people of Deir Ezzor and the eastern regions are Syria’s “treasure.” Meeting Deir Ezzor notables on Friday during a visit to assess the flood damage, he said: “You are people of generosity and noble tribes and clans.”

Sources who attended the meeting told Asharq Al-Awsat that Sharaa’s appearance in Deir Ezzor was meant to reassure residents by presenting him as one of their own. They said the Syrian president removed his formal jacket as he greeted citizens who had gathered to welcome him, a gesture they said reflected his ease among the locals.

But beyond the symbolism, the sources said, the more important signal was the number of ministers who accompanied him, underscoring the government’s intent to address the region’s needs and ease tensions.

The sources said ministers met Deir Ezzor notables before Sharaa held a separate meeting with them, attended by the ministers of energy, local administration, health, agriculture, transport, emergencies and communications.

Also present were Maher al-Sharaa, the president’s brother and former secretary-general of the presidency, and Qutaiba Qadish, director of the Department of International Cooperation at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates.

The discussions went beyond services and flood response. Participants raised issues they see as central to the buildup of anger, foremost among them the fate of detainees once held in prisons run by the Syrian Democratic Forces, or SDF, and later transferred to Iraq. Some attendees demanded that their fate be revealed, that they be returned to Syria and that they stand trial there.

The meeting also addressed the situation of Free Syrian Army fighters and other former opposition members who had served as auxiliaries to the new government forces after the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad’s regime at the end of 2024. They complain they are now being sidelined despite having taken part in difficult security confrontations against the former regime.

US Central Command, or CENTCOM, announced in February 2026 that more than 5,700 detainees accused of belonging to ISIS had been transferred from SDF detention centers to Iraq.

The transfer was described as a preventive security measure to stop terrorists from escaping SDF camps after Syrian forces advanced and extended control over eastern and northeastern Syria late last year.

Separately, Deir Ezzor notables called for a review of administrative appointments in the province, especially appointments they said lacked experience.

They also demanded clear lines of authority, an end to interference in local administration powers and greater transparency, including informing citizens of the reasons behind decisions affecting their areas.

Sharaa said the “current state inherited more than 60 years of problems that involved deliberate harm to the Syrian reality” at the legal, economic and service levels. He criticized excessive reliance on emergency measures, saying “emergency solutions drain the state and push it toward reactive strategies.”

He said problems should be “broken down and solved according to priorities” on sound foundations.

Despite the positive aspect of the visit, some warned against falling again into the “trap of frustration” after the government’s promises.

Journalist Yasser al-Issa, who is from Deir Ezzor, said the visit’s focus on the immediate start of work on al-Siyasiya bridge, the crossing linking Hasakah and Deir Ezzor provinces, was overstated, given that other issues may be more urgent.

“If we want to talk about bridges, the Mayadin bridge, which has been out of service for about 10 years, is more important than the al-Siyasiya bridge economically, commercially and in terms of services. Yet attention was given to the first at the expense of the second,” Issa told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The visit was positive overall, but we must wait for results on the ground,” he said. “The problem is not only the damaged bridges, despite their importance.

There are more important issues, including more than 62 water stations knocked out of service by the flood. That will soon deprive more than 50% of the province’s population of water unless the problem is addressed, in addition to other major infrastructure problems.”

Issa said most residents displaced from Deir Ezzor city during the war have not returned, despite the city's return to government control.

He cited the destruction of nearly 70% of the city’s neighborhoods, the lack of basic services needed to repair homes and the deterioration of infrastructure.

Hopes had been high for a rapid return after the fall of the former regime, he said, but such a return requires enormous resources that may exceed what the current government can provide.

Syria’s Energy Ministry said on Saturday that the General Establishment of the Euphrates Dam had closed gate No. 4 at the Tabqa Dam in rural Raqqa province as water inflows from Turkey continued to decline.

The gate had been releasing about 300 cubic meters of water per second before it was shut, reducing the flow through the Euphrates Dam to about 1,400 cubic meters per second.

The ministry said the step was part of a plan to gradually and safely restore Euphrates River levels in Raqqa and Deir Ezzor provinces to normal levels.

The Euphrates flooding, unprecedented in decades, has caused heavy damage. Four children have died, many drowning incidents have been reported and more than 2,500 families face the risk of forced displacement, especially in Huweijat Qati and Huweijat Sakr.

The flood also destroyed crops across about 5,000 dunams of farmland along the riverbanks and swept away four dirt bridges linking Deir Ezzor to its surroundings.


Lebanon: Southern Activists Mount First Political Challenge to Hezbollah

29 May 2026, Lebanon, Tyre: A Lebanese takes video footages of an Israeli air strike on the southern Lebanese port city of Tyre as Israeli forces continued to expand their invasion in south Lebanon amid ongoing direct talks between Lebanon and Israel in Washington. Photo: Stringer/dpa
29 May 2026, Lebanon, Tyre: A Lebanese takes video footages of an Israeli air strike on the southern Lebanese port city of Tyre as Israeli forces continued to expand their invasion in south Lebanon amid ongoing direct talks between Lebanon and Israel in Washington. Photo: Stringer/dpa
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Lebanon: Southern Activists Mount First Political Challenge to Hezbollah

29 May 2026, Lebanon, Tyre: A Lebanese takes video footages of an Israeli air strike on the southern Lebanese port city of Tyre as Israeli forces continued to expand their invasion in south Lebanon amid ongoing direct talks between Lebanon and Israel in Washington. Photo: Stringer/dpa
29 May 2026, Lebanon, Tyre: A Lebanese takes video footages of an Israeli air strike on the southern Lebanese port city of Tyre as Israeli forces continued to expand their invasion in south Lebanon amid ongoing direct talks between Lebanon and Israel in Washington. Photo: Stringer/dpa

Activists in southern Lebanon have opened the first political confrontation with Hezbollah, issuing two appeals in the names of Tyre and Nabatieh that call for the cities to be declared “free of weapons” and placed “under the authority and protection of the Lebanese state.”

Their aim is to protect the cities from Israeli bombardment and prevent them, along with nearby villages, from being emptied of residents.

As Israel’s war on Lebanon continues, leaving widespread destruction and unprecedented human and material losses in the south, voices from within the southern community itself are beginning to call for an end to the war and to the transformation of the region into an open arena for regional conflicts.

The move goes beyond humanitarian appeals and reaches into the heart of the debate over the south’s future and the role of weapons there.

Tyre appeal

A number of residents of Tyre and nearby areas issued an appeal calling for “saving their city from the ongoing destruction caused by Israeli aggression, which has claimed dozens of its people and seeks to empty it of its residents and remove it from history and geography through the systematic targeting of civilians and infrastructure.”

The signatories said their moral responsibility “requires raising their voices loudly and without equivocation.”

They said their goal was “to reach a final end to the war and fully liberate Lebanese land, away from axis politics and other people’s wars, so that the south does not remain a card in regional negotiations that have nothing to do with the Lebanese.”

They also stressed “the need to impose the sovereignty of the Lebanese state over all its territory.”

They called for “putting an end to the destruction of Tyre, working to consolidate a comprehensive ceasefire across all Lebanese territory, and for the Lebanese government to launch an urgent Arab and international diplomatic and political initiative to protect the historic city from ongoing Israeli attacks.”

They also urged “strengthening the deployment of the Lebanese army and official security forces inside the city and around it, and consolidating the presence of state institutions there in a way that preserves security and stability and protects residents.”

The appeal went further, calling for Tyre to be declared an “open city” free of weapons, allowing its people to return, protecting displaced people and arrivals, ensuring access to humanitarian and medical aid, and keeping basic services running.

Nabatieh appeal

Hours later, residents of Nabatieh picked up the initiative and issued a similar appeal signed by about 220 figures, including activists, and social, cultural, academic and economic figures.

They called on the Lebanese government to “launch an urgent diplomatic and political move to protect Nabatieh and its district from destruction and ongoing Israeli attacks.”

They also called for “strengthening the deployment of the Lebanese army and security forces at the entrances to the city and around it, and consolidating the presence of state institutions in a way that protects civilians and reassures residents and the displaced.”

The people of Nabatieh stressed the need to “declare the city and its surroundings a safe and open area under the care of the Lebanese state and its legitimate authority, free of everything that could expose its residents to danger, allowing people to return to their homes and sparing the city further destruction.”

They appealed to the state “to take the necessary measures to protect Beaufort Castle and all other historical and heritage landmarks in the area, and to work to impose a ceasefire in Nabatieh and the south, as was the case in other areas that witnessed relative calm.”

Shift in public mood

The two appeals drew wide political and media attention as possible signs of a shift in public mood inside southern Lebanon.

Academic and political researcher Dr. Harith Suleiman said the appeals by residents of Tyre and Nabatieh “reflect a decline in popular confidence in Hezbollah’s military role, and point to a growing conviction among a segment of southerners that the military option has failed to protect southern areas or prevent Israeli incursions.”

Suleiman told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hezbollah “has long promoted the idea that it had the advantage in any ground confrontation with Israel, but recent developments on the ground showed a clear imbalance in the balance of power in Israel’s favor, as well as a decline in the party’s ability to inflict losses that would make any ground incursion costly.”

He said the appeals “are, in essence, a political message showing that a segment of the people of the south now sees the Lebanese state alone as the refuge capable of providing protection and stability.”

At their core, the demands carry a political position, pointing to a conviction among southerners that the state alone is their refuge. Suleiman said the appeals “mark a popular collapse of the military role that the party has played over the past years, and reflect a growing tendency among Lebanese to entrust their fate to the state and its diplomatic choices after the bet on military solutions has receded.”

He said southerners “hold the party responsible for the choices that led to human losses and urban destruction in the region.”

“What is happening in the south, in terms of human and urban catastrophe, is a translation of Iranian choices that do not care about the fate of Shiites. Unfortunately, the tragedy befalling the people of the south and the Lebanese adds nothing to Iran under a balance of power that does not tilt in its favor,” he said.

Humanitarian catastrophe

The signatories of the Tyre appeal, however, said the demand to declare the city free of weapons does not stem from a political background as much as from a desire to protect residents and prevent the city from being used as a pretext for Israeli targeting.

One signatory told Asharq Al-Awsat that Tyre “has been living through something resembling a humanitarian catastrophe since the outbreak of the latest war, after it turned into a main center for receiving displaced people from surrounding villages and towns.”

He said large numbers of displaced people in recent months had arrived in the city. They were housed in old neighborhoods, schools and public facilities, placing huge humanitarian and service burdens on residents.

He said the main goal of calling for the city to be free of weapons “is to protect it through legitimate state institutions and prevent it from being used as a justification for Israeli airstrikes, for which civilians pay the heaviest price.”

“More than half of Tyre has been destroyed, while preserving the city, its residents and its historical and national role has become a priority above all other considerations,” he said.


Hamas Weighs Collective Leadership to Fill Qassam Vacuum

FILE PHOTO: Palestinian Hamas militants stand guard on the day of the handover of hostages held in Gaza, in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip, February 22, 2025. REUTERS/Hatem Khaled/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Palestinian Hamas militants stand guard on the day of the handover of hostages held in Gaza, in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip, February 22, 2025. REUTERS/Hatem Khaled/File Photo
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Hamas Weighs Collective Leadership to Fill Qassam Vacuum

FILE PHOTO: Palestinian Hamas militants stand guard on the day of the handover of hostages held in Gaza, in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip, February 22, 2025. REUTERS/Hatem Khaled/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Palestinian Hamas militants stand guard on the day of the handover of hostages held in Gaza, in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip, February 22, 2025. REUTERS/Hatem Khaled/File Photo

A wave of Israeli assassinations targeting commanders of al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas’ armed wing, has thrown the movement and its military command into greater difficulty.

Filling the vacuum at the top of Qassam’s general staff has become harder at what Hamas sees as the most perilous stage in its history since its founding in 1987.

Despite a supposed ceasefire agreement in Gaza since last October, Israel has killed many Hamas and Qassam members and commanders.

In less than two weeks, it killed Qassam commander Izz el-Deen al-Haddad, his successor Mohammed Odeh, and Imad Aslim, deputy commander of the Gaza Brigade and a prominent field commander, after decades of pursuit.

A fourth figure, the new commander of the Northern Brigade, survived and is believed to have been wounded.

Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that several options are under discussion within the movement, including a “collective leadership” for Qassam, modeled on the leadership council now overseeing Hamas affairs.

With the killings of Haddad and Odeh, Israel has most likely eliminated all those who planned and oversaw the Oct. 7, 2023, attack, as well as the members of the military council and general staff, except for Qassam commander Imad Aqel.

Aqel did not take part in planning or supervising the attack, but is believed to have known about it because he was then responsible for the Home Front Directorate, a post he held until Odeh was killed.

What are the options?

Three Hamas sources in Gaza, speaking separately to Asharq Al-Awsat, agreed that choosing or announcing a new chief of staff could take longer this time than the swift handover from Haddad to Odeh.

They cited several reasons, including “the security situation and Israel’s pursuit of anyone who is chosen.”

One source said the decision had also been complicated by “the internal impact of the assassinations on the movement and the need for more caution.”

A third source said a new commander was likely to be chosen soon, but under tighter secrecy to prevent his identity from being leaked, especially if the choice is a figure not widely seen as a contender.

The sources acknowledged that the assassinations had wiped out senior or charismatic Qassam leaders, making the task of choosing a successor more difficult.

Still, the Gaza sources and a fourth Hamas leader outside the enclave did not rule out a new course, appointing a “leadership council” similar to the body that runs Hamas politically.

The source outside Gaza said: “A council of five of the most prominent remaining military commanders may be formed to run Qassam during this critical period until conditions stabilize.”

Imad Aqel

“There are several options for the Qassam chief of staff. There are candidates for the post, such as Imad Aqel, the last remaining figure in the current military council, as well as others who were once members of the council and left years ago. They may be brought back after being summoned during the current war to take on specific field and administrative roles,” the Gaza sources said.

All sources said Aqel could become chief of staff in the near future.

Three Hamas sources in Gaza said Aqel is a major military figure. Israel has tried to assassinate him at least twice, wounding him in one attempt. During the current war, he lost one son at the hands of armed members of the Doghmush clan south of Gaza City, two days after the Oct. 10, 2025, ceasefire.

The clan abducted and killed him before a decision was issued to attack it, eliminate its gunmen and seize its weapons. Aqel’s other son was killed while taking part in the Oct. 7 attack.

Aqel originally lived in Nuseirat refugee camp in central Gaza. At the start of the second intifada in late September 2000, he was forced to leave the camp and move to the Zeitoun neighborhood in southern Gaza City.

In 2002, he was accused of being behind the assassination of Rajeh Abu Lehia, commander of the Riot Control Unit in the Palestinian Authority police.

Aqel served at various times as commander of the Central Brigade and then the Gaza Brigade. He also headed the Manufacturing Directorate before spending longer years in the Home Front Directorate.

Muhannad Rajab and a mysterious veteran figure

Other Qassam commanders are also being mentioned, including Gaza Brigade commander Muhannad Rajab, Northern Brigade commander Izz el-Deen al-Beik, whom Israel tried to assassinate days ago, and Khan Younis Brigade commander Mohammed al-Bureim. Other former members of the brigades’ military council are also being pushed by some to return to the general staff.

A Hamas source familiar with Rajab said he is “known for strategic thinking and security experience,” qualities that helped him become Gaza Brigade commander despite the presence of more senior military names. His ability to draw up strategies, the source said, enabled him to command the Sabra and Tel al-Islam battalions, and he was close to Haddad.

The source said Rajab has “a strong chance of becoming Qassam commander-in-chief, especially since many field commanders could be nominated to replace him as commander of the Gaza Brigade.”

The name of Northern Brigade commander Izz el-Deen al-Beik also appears as another option, if his health allows, after conflicting reports about his injury in an Israeli strike days ago.

One source said the candidates include a mysterious figure he described as “historical,” whom Israel tried to assassinate several times during the latest war.

The source, who declined to name the candidate to lead Qassam, said they “are not wounded, have considerable security and military experience, and are one of the brigades’ veteran military and security figures.”