Hadi’s Death Ends a Journey Through Transformation in Yemen

 Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
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Hadi’s Death Ends a Journey Through Transformation in Yemen

 Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)

Former Yemeni President Field Marshal Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi died on Thursday in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, at the age of 81, closing one of the most complex political and military chapters in Yemen’s history since unification in 1990.

Hadi’s name became closely associated with Yemen’s transitional period, the National Dialogue Conference, and the prolonged war that erupted after the Houthis overthrew the state in late 2014.

He was neither a confrontational leader nor a populist figure. Throughout his career, he was seen as a quiet institutional figure who preferred to work behind the scenes and avoided sharp confrontations, even while at the center of some of the gravest crises in Yemen’s modern history.

That left his legacy divided between two contrasting views. Supporters regarded him as a consensus figure who spared the country an even deeper collapse, while critics held him responsible for failing to confront the Houthis’ expansion as most of northern Yemen fell under their control.

Hadi was born on Sept. 1, 1945, in the village of Dhakin in Al-Wadea district of Abyan province in southern Yemen. He grew up in a modest rural setting before turning to a military life early.

He received military training at several foreign academies, most notably Britain’s Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, where he graduated in 1966. He also pursued higher military studies at Egypt’s Nasser Military Academy and took specialized courses in the former Soviet Union.

Hadi rose through the ranks of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (formerly South Yemen) and held command posts in the armored corps. The bloody events of January 1986 became the defining turning point in his political and military path.

After the faction of former Southern President Ali Nasser Mohammed lost those confrontations, Hadi left for Sanaa with thousands of southern military personnel. There, he began a new phase inside the northern Yemeni state before Yemen’s two parts united in 1990.

Hadi’s profile rose during the summer war of 1994, when the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh appointed him defense minister to fight the attempted secession led by the then vice president, the late Ali Salem al-Beidh.

After the war ended and unity was consolidated, Saleh named Hadi vice president in October 1994. He remained in the post for about 18 years, one of the longest vice presidential tenures in Yemen’s history.

During those years, Hadi became known inside the ruling establishment as the “silent man.” He rarely entered battles among centers of power or became a visible party to the tribal and military rivalries surrounding Saleh.

He kept the image of a disciplined administrative and military official, making him acceptable to domestic and foreign players as a non-confrontational figure.

President of the transition

When protests erupted in 2011 against Saleh’s rule, Yemen entered a period of deep political turmoil that ended with the Gulf initiative, which transferred power to Hadi as a consensus president for the transition.

In February 2012, Hadi was elected Yemen’s consensus president with broad local, regional, and international backing, amid hopes he could rescue the country from collapse and rebuild the state on new foundations.

The main early milestone of his rule was the comprehensive National Dialogue Conference between 2013 and 2014. The conference brought together political and social forces, including the Houthis and the Southern Movement, to draft a project for a modern federal state.

Many Yemenis saw the National Dialogue as a historic chance to end chronic conflicts and build a new state. But later events pushed the country in a completely different direction.

In September 2014, the Houthis swept into the capital Sanaa, and seized state institutions before placing Hadi under house arrest.

Although he submitted his resignation under pressure, Hadi fled to Aden in February 2015 and said he remained committed to his constitutional legitimacy. Expanding Houthi attacks later drove him to Riyadh.

From the Saudi capital, Hadi led the internationally recognized government throughout the years of war. He relied on broad support from the Saudi-led Arab coalition and on the political and legal cover provided by UN Security Council Resolution 2216.

During those years, his government retained the recognition of the United Nations and the international community. Hadi continued to represent Yemen abroad despite losing effective authority over the seized capital, Sanaa, and large parts of the north.

A contested legacy

Hadi’s personality and governing style divided Yemenis and observers.

Critics said his calm temperament and tendency to wait weakened state institutions at decisive moments. They said his slow decision-making allowed the Houthis to expand and take Sanaa. He was also criticized for relying on partisan and tribal networks that failed to settle the battle.

Supporters said he inherited an exhausted country and a divided army, and faced an armed project backed by a regional power in highly exceptional circumstances.

They argue that Hadi preserved the legal legitimacy of the Yemeni state and prevented its complete slide into international isolation.

People close to him also say his commitment to dialogue and consensus was not a weakness, but a political conviction that spared Yemen wider wars in the early stages of the crisis.

Throughout his rule, Hadi enjoyed exceptional regional and international support. Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, backed the transfer of power in Yemen through the Gulf initiative.

After the Houthi takeover, Hadi became the face of the only internationally recognized Yemeni legitimacy. He received broad political and military support from the Arab coalition, as well as backing from the United States and European countries.

During the war years, Yemen kept its seat at the United Nations and other international organizations in the name of Hadi’s government. That was seen as one of his most important political achievements, especially as the Houthis sought international recognition.

Leaving power quietly

In April 2022, Hadi announced he was transferring all his powers to the Presidential Leadership Council headed by Rashad al-Alimi, a move widely seen as a pivotal shift inside the internationally recognized camp.

The decision followed Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by Riyadh, amid pressure to reorganize anti-Houthi forces and unite their political and military components.

The step drew a broad regional and international welcome as a peaceful and orderly transfer of power. Hadi then chose to withdraw almost completely from politics during his final years.

The Yemeni presidency announced on Thursday that Hadi had died after health problems, praising what it described as his “national positions” and his role in preserving legitimacy and Yemen’s unity.

With his death, Yemen loses the last president to lead the unified country under full international recognition before state institutions fragmented and the open war was triggered by the Iran-backed Houthis.

He leaves behind a political and military legacy that will remain the subject of long debate among Yemenis.

The man who came to power as the “consensus candidate” found himself leading a country collapsing under divisions and the Houthi takeover. He remained committed to the legitimacy of the state until he left office, then departed quietly, drawing the curtain on one of the most complex chapters in Yemen’s contemporary history.



Tunisian Journalists Fear Jail Again as Freedoms Erode

Tunisian journalists participate in a rally called by the Tunisian journalists' union to demand the release of journalist Mohamed Yousfi, a vocal critic of President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia. September 8, 2026. REUTERS/ Jihed Abidellaoui
Tunisian journalists participate in a rally called by the Tunisian journalists' union to demand the release of journalist Mohamed Yousfi, a vocal critic of President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia. September 8, 2026. REUTERS/ Jihed Abidellaoui
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Tunisian Journalists Fear Jail Again as Freedoms Erode

Tunisian journalists participate in a rally called by the Tunisian journalists' union to demand the release of journalist Mohamed Yousfi, a vocal critic of President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia. September 8, 2026. REUTERS/ Jihed Abidellaoui
Tunisian journalists participate in a rally called by the Tunisian journalists' union to demand the release of journalist Mohamed Yousfi, a vocal critic of President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia. September 8, 2026. REUTERS/ Jihed Abidellaoui

In the garden of the independent outlet ‘Nawaat,’ about half a dozen journalists sit smoking, trading jokes and discussing investigations they plan to publish on subjects ranging from the quality of drinking water to conditions of prisons.

They know that any of the stories ⁠could lead to prosecution.

A Hard Test

Journalists in Tunisia who enjoyed a burst of press freedom after the 2011 Arab Spring are once again looking over their shoulders in the knowledge their work may land them in prison.

The 2011 overthrow of Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali unshackled Tunisia's media, but a decade later President Kais Saied's seizure of sweeping powers began eroding those gains.

Some 20 journalists face criminal charges over their reporting or social media posts, with four already imprisoned, according to Zied Dabbar, head of the National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists, who called the situation unprecedented.

In return, Saied has said he is not a dictator and that journalists are free to criticize authorities and frequently do.

Authorities say prosecutions are impartial judicial matters and that no one is above the law.
The Tunisian prime minister's press office did not respond to Reuters’ requests for comment.

Now, independent media face a full-on crackdown, rights groups say, and Tunisia has tumbled more than 50 places in the past five years to 137th in Reporters Without Borders' press freedom index.

Shifting Minefield

“We are living in a grey area, as if we were in a shifting minefield, and we pay the price every day,” said Aymen Rezgui, editor-in-chief of Nawaat, reflecting on how at least limits were clear pre-2011 versus current uncertainty.

Rezgui said Nawaat regularly receives threats — anonymously or from government supporters on social media branding him a traitor — over reporting on issues ranging from prisons to power cuts and water shortages.

The outlet has also faced judicial restrictions, including a government order suspending activities for a month last year.

Journalists in Jail, Others Choose Exile

Many other journalists report similar pressures.

Last month, Mohamed Yousfi, editor-in-chief of independent news website Al-Qatiba, was arrested on his way to a private radio station for a live program. A judge has charged him with illicit enrichment, which he says is a fabrication.

Other jailed journalists and media figures include prominent broadcasters Mourad Zeghidi and Borhen Bsaies, who were first convicted of spreading false news and insulting the president, and later of tax evasion. ⁠They deny the charges and say they have been framed.

For some, leaving Tunisia has become the only option to avoid a similar fate, despite the personal cost.

In December 2025, Khaoula Boukrim, founder of independent website Tumedia and a prominent critic of the president, left for France fearing imminent arrest.

Months later, she was sentenced in absentia to four years in prison over writings critical of the judiciary and a system of governance she described as authoritarian.

Journalist Haythem Mekki has also left Tunisia after receiving a prison sentence following public comments he made denouncing conditions in a hospital morgue.

Beyond prosecutions, journalists are frequently prevented by police from working in public and are sometimes detained for hours, the journalists' syndicate says.

Most ministries no longer have press offices, while several international correspondents have been denied accreditation, further restricting independent coverage.

Political and critical programs have disappeared from many private radio stations. State media has ⁠increasingly marginalized dissenting voices, the syndicate says, though the TAP state news agency remains a rare exception, continuing to cover protests, opposition activities and civil society initiatives.


Israeli Threat to Expand Lebanon’s Occupation, Displace More Than a Million Lebanese

File photo of Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz in the Tulkarm refugee camp in the northern West Bank (Israeli Army)
File photo of Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz in the Tulkarm refugee camp in the northern West Bank (Israeli Army)
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Israeli Threat to Expand Lebanon’s Occupation, Displace More Than a Million Lebanese

File photo of Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz in the Tulkarm refugee camp in the northern West Bank (Israeli Army)
File photo of Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz in the Tulkarm refugee camp in the northern West Bank (Israeli Army)

Defense Minister Israel Katz has ⁠warned Hezbollah against attacking Israel, saying the Israeli army was capable of occupying more Lebanese territories and displacing more than a million Shiites.

"Hezbollah will suffer a severe blow and lose additional territories in southern Lebanon within the Nabatieh and Litani regions, which will become part of Israel's permanent security zone. The IDF (Israel Defense Forces) is prepared to carry out the maneuver," Katz said on Wednesday.

Speaking from the self-declared security zone Israeli forces are ⁠occupying in southern Lebanon, Katz said that a million Shiites would be displaced and that Hezbollah's stronghold in Beirut would not be spared.

Israel launched airstrikes and a ground invasion in southern Lebanon this year in parallel with the war in Iran, after Hezbollah fired into Israel in revenge ​for Israeli-American attacks against Tehran.

Hundreds of ​thousands of people from Lebanon's Shiite community were uprooted by the fighting.


UN Peacekeeping Chief Says Talks on Future of Lebanon Mission Must Begin Soon

 United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations Jean-Pierre Lacroix in Beirut, speaks during an interview with The Associated Press, in Beirut, Wednesday, Oct. 14, 2026. (AP)
United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations Jean-Pierre Lacroix in Beirut, speaks during an interview with The Associated Press, in Beirut, Wednesday, Oct. 14, 2026. (AP)
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UN Peacekeeping Chief Says Talks on Future of Lebanon Mission Must Begin Soon

 United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations Jean-Pierre Lacroix in Beirut, speaks during an interview with The Associated Press, in Beirut, Wednesday, Oct. 14, 2026. (AP)
United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations Jean-Pierre Lacroix in Beirut, speaks during an interview with The Associated Press, in Beirut, Wednesday, Oct. 14, 2026. (AP)

UN peacekeeping chief Jean-Pierre Lacroix on Wednesday urged the UN Security Council to begin negotiations on the future of peacekeepers deployed in Lebanon, as Beirut campaigns for an extension to the mandate set to expire at the end of this year.

The UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) has been deployed in southern Lebanon since 1978, but the Security Council last year ordered the mission to begin withdrawing at the end of 2026.

Since a new war erupted in March between Israel and Iran-backed Lebanese armed group Hezbollah, ‌the Lebanese government has ‌campaigned for an extension to UNIFIL's mandate, citing its ‌role ⁠in monitoring hostilities ⁠and facilitating aid deliveries to villages in Israeli-occupied zones.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres earlier this year presented proposals for a continued uniformed UN presence in Lebanon, but no action has been taken yet, Lacroix told Reuters in Beirut.

"These proposals are on the table of the Security Council. There has been no movement in the Security Council until now, but I believe that the negotiations will begin ... shortly, in earnest," he said.

"I think ⁠it would be better to have a decision soon ‌rather than later, right? Because that would clarify ‌also the horizon for us, certainly from the more limited point of view of our ‌own planning," he said.

FORCES OPERATE HOTLINE TO EASE TENSIONS

Diplomats say the US ‌is not supportive of an extended mandate for UNIFIL, but Lacroix said it was important to focus on Lebanon’s request and that negotiations at the Security Council could yield a constructive outcome.

Some 7,500 UNIFIL peacekeepers are still deployed at about 50 positions in southern Lebanon, which ‌would be expected to be handed over to Lebanese army troops if no new UN force is agreed.

But since most ⁠of those ⁠posts lie in territory now occupied by the Israeli military, it remains unclear how Lebanese soldiers could deploy to take over the positions.

Lacroix said that clarity on whether a new UN force would deploy to southern Lebanon would help UNIFIL make sure it does not "leave those positions prematurely before we know what could come next".

In addition to facilitating aid deliveries and monitoring hostilities, the force operates a hotline to ease any tensions between the Lebanese and Israeli militaries.

Lacroix said the deconfliction role was particularly crucial given the presence of Israeli troops in a self-declared security zone deep in Lebanese territory.

He said that Israeli and Lebanese troops in the same geographic area presented "the risk of escalation, the risk of incidents getting out of control" and that "there is a need for a third party to de-escalate".