Hadi’s Death Ends a Journey Through Transformation in Yemen

 Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
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Hadi’s Death Ends a Journey Through Transformation in Yemen

 Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)

Former Yemeni President Field Marshal Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi died on Thursday in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, at the age of 81, closing one of the most complex political and military chapters in Yemen’s history since unification in 1990.

Hadi’s name became closely associated with Yemen’s transitional period, the National Dialogue Conference, and the prolonged war that erupted after the Houthis overthrew the state in late 2014.

He was neither a confrontational leader nor a populist figure. Throughout his career, he was seen as a quiet institutional figure who preferred to work behind the scenes and avoided sharp confrontations, even while at the center of some of the gravest crises in Yemen’s modern history.

That left his legacy divided between two contrasting views. Supporters regarded him as a consensus figure who spared the country an even deeper collapse, while critics held him responsible for failing to confront the Houthis’ expansion as most of northern Yemen fell under their control.

Hadi was born on Sept. 1, 1945, in the village of Dhakin in Al-Wadea district of Abyan province in southern Yemen. He grew up in a modest rural setting before turning to a military life early.

He received military training at several foreign academies, most notably Britain’s Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, where he graduated in 1966. He also pursued higher military studies at Egypt’s Nasser Military Academy and took specialized courses in the former Soviet Union.

Hadi rose through the ranks of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (formerly South Yemen) and held command posts in the armored corps. The bloody events of January 1986 became the defining turning point in his political and military path.

After the faction of former Southern President Ali Nasser Mohammed lost those confrontations, Hadi left for Sanaa with thousands of southern military personnel. There, he began a new phase inside the northern Yemeni state before Yemen’s two parts united in 1990.

Hadi’s profile rose during the summer war of 1994, when the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh appointed him defense minister to fight the attempted secession led by the then vice president, the late Ali Salem al-Beidh.

After the war ended and unity was consolidated, Saleh named Hadi vice president in October 1994. He remained in the post for about 18 years, one of the longest vice presidential tenures in Yemen’s history.

During those years, Hadi became known inside the ruling establishment as the “silent man.” He rarely entered battles among centers of power or became a visible party to the tribal and military rivalries surrounding Saleh.

He kept the image of a disciplined administrative and military official, making him acceptable to domestic and foreign players as a non-confrontational figure.

President of the transition

When protests erupted in 2011 against Saleh’s rule, Yemen entered a period of deep political turmoil that ended with the Gulf initiative, which transferred power to Hadi as a consensus president for the transition.

In February 2012, Hadi was elected Yemen’s consensus president with broad local, regional, and international backing, amid hopes he could rescue the country from collapse and rebuild the state on new foundations.

The main early milestone of his rule was the comprehensive National Dialogue Conference between 2013 and 2014. The conference brought together political and social forces, including the Houthis and the Southern Movement, to draft a project for a modern federal state.

Many Yemenis saw the National Dialogue as a historic chance to end chronic conflicts and build a new state. But later events pushed the country in a completely different direction.

In September 2014, the Houthis swept into the capital Sanaa, and seized state institutions before placing Hadi under house arrest.

Although he submitted his resignation under pressure, Hadi fled to Aden in February 2015 and said he remained committed to his constitutional legitimacy. Expanding Houthi attacks later drove him to Riyadh.

From the Saudi capital, Hadi led the internationally recognized government throughout the years of war. He relied on broad support from the Saudi-led Arab coalition and on the political and legal cover provided by UN Security Council Resolution 2216.

During those years, his government retained the recognition of the United Nations and the international community. Hadi continued to represent Yemen abroad despite losing effective authority over the seized capital, Sanaa, and large parts of the north.

A contested legacy

Hadi’s personality and governing style divided Yemenis and observers.

Critics said his calm temperament and tendency to wait weakened state institutions at decisive moments. They said his slow decision-making allowed the Houthis to expand and take Sanaa. He was also criticized for relying on partisan and tribal networks that failed to settle the battle.

Supporters said he inherited an exhausted country and a divided army, and faced an armed project backed by a regional power in highly exceptional circumstances.

They argue that Hadi preserved the legal legitimacy of the Yemeni state and prevented its complete slide into international isolation.

People close to him also say his commitment to dialogue and consensus was not a weakness, but a political conviction that spared Yemen wider wars in the early stages of the crisis.

Throughout his rule, Hadi enjoyed exceptional regional and international support. Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, backed the transfer of power in Yemen through the Gulf initiative.

After the Houthi takeover, Hadi became the face of the only internationally recognized Yemeni legitimacy. He received broad political and military support from the Arab coalition, as well as backing from the United States and European countries.

During the war years, Yemen kept its seat at the United Nations and other international organizations in the name of Hadi’s government. That was seen as one of his most important political achievements, especially as the Houthis sought international recognition.

Leaving power quietly

In April 2022, Hadi announced he was transferring all his powers to the Presidential Leadership Council headed by Rashad al-Alimi, a move widely seen as a pivotal shift inside the internationally recognized camp.

The decision followed Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by Riyadh, amid pressure to reorganize anti-Houthi forces and unite their political and military components.

The step drew a broad regional and international welcome as a peaceful and orderly transfer of power. Hadi then chose to withdraw almost completely from politics during his final years.

The Yemeni presidency announced on Thursday that Hadi had died after health problems, praising what it described as his “national positions” and his role in preserving legitimacy and Yemen’s unity.

With his death, Yemen loses the last president to lead the unified country under full international recognition before state institutions fragmented and the open war was triggered by the Iran-backed Houthis.

He leaves behind a political and military legacy that will remain the subject of long debate among Yemenis.

The man who came to power as the “consensus candidate” found himself leading a country collapsing under divisions and the Houthi takeover. He remained committed to the legitimacy of the state until he left office, then departed quietly, drawing the curtain on one of the most complex chapters in Yemen’s contemporary history.



Salam Inspects Military Units South of Litani: No Capable Lebanese State without One Strong Army

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)
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Salam Inspects Military Units South of Litani: No Capable Lebanese State without One Strong Army

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)

Prime Minister Nawaf Salam tied the restoration of state authority in South Lebanon to a broader process extending beyond military deployment to strengthening institutions, restoring services and advancing reconstruction.

During a visit to the Benoit Barakat Barracks in Tyre, Salam stressed that “every position where the army deploys in the South is a place where the state regains its authority.”

“Restoring sovereignty requires building a capable state, and there can be no capable state without one strong army,” he added, arguing that sovereignty restored through security must also be consolidated economically and socially.

One authority

“We want the South, like all of Lebanon, to be under one authority, and Lebanese citizens there to feel safe because they have an army protecting them,” the PM declared, linking lasting stability to the state and its constitutional institutions regaining control over decisions of war and peace.

At the same time, he acknowledged the challenges confronting the military amid continuing Israeli attacks. “True sovereignty is neither taken nor given; it is built,” he emphasized.

Salam reaffirmed his government’s commitment to building a national state faithful to the constitution, describing efforts to strengthen the army as “a strategic choice at the heart of our project to restore the state,” rather than a secondary priority.

The government continues to mobilize Arab and international support to develop the army’s personnel capabilities, improve its equipment and enhance service members’ living conditions, he went on to say.

He described the military as one of the few institutions around which Lebanese citizens remain united.

Addressing troops, Salam urged them to shield the army from political and sectarian divisions.

“Preserve the unity of the army. Do not allow politics to divide you and accept only the constitution and the law as your guide,” he told them, warning against allowing “the evils of sectarianism” to infiltrate their ranks.

Lebanon could emerge from its current predicament only by having “one army, one flag and one state,” he maintained.

Salam also paid tribute to fallen service members, telling their families: “Your sons are not only martyrs of the military institution; they are martyrs of the entire nation.”

Beyond army deployment

“The return of the state to the South is not limited to the deployment of the army, but extends across all sectors, including education, reconstruction and everything else,” he added, reiterating the government’s commitment to providing the military with everything needed to carry out its mission successfully.

He pledged that the state would spare no effort to secure Israel’s complete withdrawal from Lebanese territory, recover prisoners and advance reconstruction.

Defense Minister Michel Menassa similarly framed Salam’s visit as an affirmation of state sovereignty.

“Our visit to the South is not merely an inspection tour. We are here today to reaffirm our unwavering position seeking to restore state sovereignty,” he vowed.

He identified the government’s primary negotiating objective as “the complete withdrawal of the Israeli enemy from Lebanon.”

Menassa praised the army as a symbol of “dignity, sacrifice and loyalty” that brings Lebanese citizens together and safeguards national unity and civil peace.

He also commended its professionalism in carrying out missions despite difficult conditions and pressure.


Syria Cautiously Welcomes Abdi’s Integration Announcement, Awaits Implementation

SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)
SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)
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Syria Cautiously Welcomes Abdi’s Integration Announcement, Awaits Implementation

SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)
SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)

Ahmed al-Hilali, deputy governor of Syria’s Hasakah province and spokesperson for the presidential team tasked with overseeing integration with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), welcomed SDF commander Mazloum Abdi’s announcement on integration, describing it as an acknowledgment of the SDF’s dissolution.

He cautioned, however, that “there is a difference between announcing an integration decision and completing its implementation on the ground.”

Syrian Kurdish writer and political researcher Ali Tami told Asharq Al-Awsat that integration was “complex and intertwined and cannot be concluded with a statement.”

He also challenged Abdi’s assertion that fighters who had come to support the SDF had left the region, noting that thousands of foreign fighters and remnants of the former regime remained in Hasakah.

Al-Hilali and Abdi attended celebrations Thursday marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of Qamishli. In a speech, Abdi announced the “completion of the military, security and administrative integration” of his forces into Syrian state institutions under the January 29 agreement.

Late Thursday, al-Hilali told Syria’s Al-Ikhbariya television that Abdi’s remarks were “an important and positive development,” viewing them as a clear transition from understandings to actual implementation of integration into state institutions.

He explained that the announcement would translate into practical measures, including unifying institutions and administrative authority and restoring the state’s full powers, ensuring unified decision-making and Syrian sovereignty.

Abdi's remarks were aimed at ending “dual structures and parallel entities” and establishing “one state, one army and unified institutions,” he added.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa and SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi meet in Damascus earlier in August. (SANA)

Implementation

Al-Hilali stressed that the issue could not be considered definitively resolved through statements alone.

“What was announced, together with earlier steps, such as removing partisan symbols and flags from institutions and public squares, confirms that the process is moving forward,” he noted.

While describing the announcement as a highly significant political step, he emphasized that it did not mean all stages of administrative, security and military implementation had been completed.

The objective now is to turn the decisions into a fully institutionalized reality in which Syrian state institutions become the sole authority, all institutions and bodies return to the state framework, and security, military and administrative decision-making is unified, he explained.

In separate remarks carried by Syria TV, al-Hilali said Abdi’s declaration that military and security integration had been completed as an acknowledgment of the SDF’s dissolution.

Integration declared complete

Abdi announced that the integration of military, service and administrative institutions into national state institutions had been completed and that “from now on, a new process begins.”

In areas formerly under the Kurdish Autonomous Administration, new institutions are being established in the name of the Syrian state while existing institutions will continue operating, he explained, urging residents to protect them.

Abdi also announced that forces from other “parts of Kurdistan” that had supported the SDF during Syria’s civil war had withdrawn under an agreement and at the SDF’s own request, an apparent reference to Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) fighters.

Tami remained skeptical, arguing that the SDF had not formally announced its dissolution and that integration was too complicated to be settled by statements alone.

He maintained that the PKK controls the SDF and regards it as one of its instruments in confronting Türkiye, making it unlikely that the group would surrender its weapons before the direction of the peace process in Türkiye becomes clearer.

“In principle, we all support sparing the region further bloodshed, and integration is possible, but unfortunately the chances of success are very slim,” Tami lamented.

He also dismissed Abdi’s assertion that Kurdish forces that previously assisted the SDF had left the region as “illogical,” pointing to thousands of foreign fighters and former regime remnants still in Hasakah.

With efforts underway to ease tensions, integration continues to face major difficulties and challenges, he remarked.

SDF fighters in Ain al-Arab. (Reuters file)

From Autonomous Administration to integration

The Autonomous Administration traces its origins to the Kurdish Supreme Committee, formed by Syria’s Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the Kurdish National Council following the July 12, 2012, Erbil agreement. Its armed structures included the People’s Protection Units (YPG), Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) and Asayish security forces, followed in 2015 by the Kurdish-dominated SDF.

The administration expanded between 2014 and 2023, accompanied by growth in its military, security and civilian institutions, which employ tens of thousands.

The SDF lost a significant portion of its territory during nearly two weeks of clashes with the Syrian army in late 2025 and early 2026, followed by the January 29 agreement.

The accord provides for a ceasefire and gradual integration of Kurdish-established military and civilian institutions into the Syrian state, the handover of border crossings and oil and gas fields, and the departure of foreign fighters.

In July, residents in Hasakah mobilized for several days to demand that the state extend its authority across the entire province, allow displaced people to return to their towns and villages, and end SDF dominance and its abuses against residents.


Houthis Tighten Security Grip in Ibb

 A Houthi rally in Sanaa called by the group’s leader in support of land and maritime attacks (AFP) 
 A Houthi rally in Sanaa called by the group’s leader in support of land and maritime attacks (AFP) 
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Houthis Tighten Security Grip in Ibb

 A Houthi rally in Sanaa called by the group’s leader in support of land and maritime attacks (AFP) 
 A Houthi rally in Sanaa called by the group’s leader in support of land and maritime attacks (AFP) 

The Iran-backed Houthi group has tightened its security grip on Yemen’s Ibb governorate amid rising tensions and clashes along surrounding front lines, deploying elite units to areas near battlefronts with Taiz, Hodeidah and Al-Dhale.

Local sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group had intensified its security presence in Ibb city and areas near the front lines in the west of the governorate, reinforced routes leading to the fronts and imposed tighter surveillance on residents’ movements and communications.

Ibb is strategically important because it lies along supply routes linking Houthi-controlled areas with fronts in Hodeidah, Taiz and Al-Dhale, about 192 kilometers (119 miles) south of Sanaa.

The Houthis have moved the headquarters of the military command covering Ibb, Al-Dhale and Taiz to Damt, east of Ibb, and deployed two elite units known as the Al-Samad Brigades near the front lines, the sources said.

The group sent fighters recruited from Ibb to frontline positions while keeping the two Al-Samad units behind the front to monitor the forces and prevent local fighters from fleeing or retreating during clashes.

According to the sources, the deployment reflects distrust of fighters recruited from the governorate as the Houthis tighten security in cities and towns and along roads leading to combat zones.

Operations Hub

The Houthis have turned eastern Ibb into a center for managing military operations on surrounding fronts while redeploying units near the frontlines.

The moves come amid mounting tensions on several fronts and as the group strengthens its security grip over Ibb, one of its main recruitment and supply areas.

They coincide with the first anniversary of a sweeping arrest campaign in Ibb that targeted more than 115 educators, academics, doctors and engineers, according to local sources.

The campaign lasted more than three months, from late May to October last year. Fourteen detainees have since been released at different times, the latest about a week ago, while the others remain in custody.

Several people wanted by the Houthis remain unable to leave the governorate for government-controlled areas, while around 260 families have managed to flee Houthi-held territory and reach areas under government control.

Siham al-Abab, daughter of educator Sadiq al-Abab, meanwhile revealed that her father’s health had deteriorated after more than a year in Houthi detention, with his family unable to visit him or obtain information about his condition. Her father called several days ago and sounded clearly tired, she said, adding that the family did not know what was wrong with him and could neither see nor check on him.

She added that the call had a profound psychological impact and that her father’s voice remained with her afterward. She had previously described her family’s suffering in his absence, saying he had left behind a small family in need of support while remaining imprisoned without the family knowing what charges he faced.

The Houthis detained Sadiq al-Abab during a sweeping arrest campaign targeting hundreds of people in Ibb, Taiz and Al-Bayda, including doctors, teachers, lawyers, employees and community figures, according to local sources.

Detention Without Legal Process

Zakaria al-Jaberi said his father has been forcibly detained by the Houthis at the Political Security headquarters in Ibb since June 12, 2025.

The family has communicated with him only three times. Its sole permitted visit came more than 11 months after his detention, before further visits were barred.

Al-Jaberi noted that the Houthis had allowed only limited phone calls, leaving the family unaware of his detention conditions or physical and psychological state despite authorities knowing he has health problems.

The family has approached numerous officials and individuals seeking answers or assistance, but was often told that those responsible knew nothing about the case and that the authority handling it was in Sanaa.

Al-Jabri questioned who had ordered his father’s detention, why he had not been referred to prosecutors and why the family had not been informed of the charges or any legal process.

The family does not know “who has the authority to make the decision or who can end this detention,” he underlined, adding that the prolonged detention had taken a heavy psychological and social toll. He said the case reflected the absence of any clear official authority the family could turn to despite repeated appeals to government bodies, civil society organizations and local dignitaries.