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New Hamas Chief Khalil al-Hayya Faces ‘Dangerous, Complex’ Challenges

Hamas Gaza chief Yahya al-Sinwar, Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh and senior Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya arrive at the Rafah border crossing in the southern Gaza Strip September 19, 2017. (Reuters)
Hamas Gaza chief Yahya al-Sinwar, Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh and senior Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya arrive at the Rafah border crossing in the southern Gaza Strip September 19, 2017. (Reuters)
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New Hamas Chief Khalil al-Hayya Faces ‘Dangerous, Complex’ Challenges

Hamas Gaza chief Yahya al-Sinwar, Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh and senior Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya arrive at the Rafah border crossing in the southern Gaza Strip September 19, 2017. (Reuters)
Hamas Gaza chief Yahya al-Sinwar, Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh and senior Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya arrive at the Rafah border crossing in the southern Gaza Strip September 19, 2017. (Reuters)

Khalil al-Hayya takes the helm of Hamas at one of the most dangerous and complex moments in the Palestinian group’s history, as it confronts Israel in an unprecedented war it triggered by the Oct. 7, 2023, attack.

His election as head of Hamas’s political bureau places him in charge of a movement under immense military and political pressure nearly four decades after its founding in 1987.

Many inside and outside Hamas see al-Hayya as a leading figure in the faction most committed to close ties with Iran. That current was led by Yahya al-Sinwar, the former Hamas chief who directed the Oct. 7 attack. Al-Hayya was Sinwar’s deputy in the leadership of Hamas’s Gaza bureau.

Three Hamas sources, speaking separately to Asharq Al-Awsat, said those they described as “Sinwar’s friends” pushed al-Hayya’s candidacy from inside and outside the Palestinian territories.

One source said their backing thrust him into a fierce contest with former Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal, who represents a wing seen as more cautious in its relationship with Iran.

Meshaal congratulated al-Hayya in a statement, saying he had assured members of the Shura Council that he respected the election result and would work with the new leader.

A Hamas source outside Gaza said the statement underscored the intensity of the contest.

“It reflects how fierce the competition was between Meshaal and al-Hayya,” the source said. “The first round ended without either man securing the leadership.”

Ties with Iran

Observers of Hamas and Palestinian affairs expect al-Hayya to support a broader and deeper relationship with Iran.

Esmail Qaani, commander of the Quds Force of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps, said in a congratulatory message that al-Hayya’s election showed he was a symbol of “resistance and martyrdom” and reaffirmed Hamas’s commitment to the “path of Islamic resistance.”

Four Hamas sources — two abroad and two in Gaza — rejected suggestions that the movement’s leadership was split into camps for and against Iran.

One source based abroad said closer ties with Tehran could become a defining feature of al-Hayya’s leadership.

“Greater openness toward Iran may be one of al-Hayya’s most distinguishing traits,” the source said, noting that he had built close ties with senior Iranian figures since becoming Sinwar’s deputy.

The two Gaza-based sources said Hamas’s political and military leadership in the enclave favored preserving the relationship because “no party offers Hamas more support than Iran.”

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei meets with Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya in Tehran, Iran, February 8, 2025. Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters

A fourth source, a senior Hamas official abroad, said any decision to expand ties with Iran or another country would require consensus within the movement.

“Hamas prefers openness toward all parties without rigidly favoring one over another,” he said, dismissing repeated media reports of rival pro- and anti-Iran camps as “far removed from reality.”

Foreign ties and ending the war

A senior Hamas source outside Gaza said al-Hayya would have to manage relations with host countries such as Qatar and Türkiye, as well as with Egypt, Iran, Syria’s new authorities and other states.

“But the conditions in the region impose a complex reality,” the source said.

The two Gaza-based sources said al-Hayya was likely to push for closer ties with Iran while preserving a more open relationship with Qatar and Türkiye.

One said that would not prevent continued contact with foreign governments, noting that al-Hayya had previously met and negotiated with US officials during Gaza ceasefire talks.

His most urgent challenge, however, will be securing a permanent end to the war in Gaza.

Al-Hayya led Hamas’s ceasefire negotiating team, but two Hamas sources said all major decisions in the talks had so far been made through full internal consultation.

A source inside Gaza said al-Hayya had won the full support of the movement’s political and military leadership in the enclave.

Gaza, the source said, had become Hamas’s center of gravity and remained at the heart of its most important files.

The weapons question

The future of Hamas’s weapons, already a central issue in ceasefire talks, may be the most dangerous challenge al-Hayya faces during his transitional term, the sources said.

Some factions, particularly inside Gaza, reject surrendering the weapons. Instead, they favor a long-term truce of at least 15 years, according to two sources in the enclave.

The sources said the issue remained deeply contentious. There was firm opposition to handing over the weapons, though some were open to restricting them.

Most favored storing the weapons under the supervision of mediators and refraining from using them, they said.

How al-Hayya will handle the issue remains unclear.

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Arab World

Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
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Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)

The fallout from the Houthis’ military escalation in Yemen is straining hospitals and endangering civilians in areas under the group’s control, while fueling rare criticism from within its own ranks.

Activists and former fighters accuse the group of exploiting poverty to recruit young men, trading on fighters’ blood and diverting resources to the war effort at the expense of civilian needs.

Medical sources in the Houthi-held capital Sanaa told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group’s Health Ministry had recently ordered several government hospitals to limit admissions of critically ill patients.

Intensive care units, emergency departments and other wards have instead been reserved for wounded Houthi fighters arriving from the front lines.

The measures cover Al-Thawra, Al-Jumhouri, Police, Military, Al-Quds, 48 and Kuwait hospitals — among the capital’s leading medical facilities. Their capacity to treat civilians has consequently shrunk, particularly for patients needing urgent care or intensive treatment.

The restrictions coincided with the arrival in Sanaa of large numbers of dead and wounded Houthi fighters following battles on several fronts across Yemen.

Health workers said hospitals were taking in growing numbers of casualties and setting aside beds, equipment and wards for those arriving from combat zones, including fighters requiring surgery or intensive care.

Hospitals under strain

The Houthis have tightened security around several medical facilities, barred media access and withheld information about the identities and conditions of casualties arriving from the front lines.

Health workers said the influx of wounded fighters had pushed hospitals closer to capacity, leaving less room for civilian patients.

Ahmed, whose relative needed treatment in Sanaa, said his family struggled to obtain the necessary care at Al-Jumhouri Hospital and was forced to look elsewhere because the facility lacked the resources to treat the patient.

He accused the Houthis of channeling available medical resources into the war effort, warning that civilians — particularly children, older people, chronically ill patients and emergency cases — faced growing risks.

The measures come as the health system in Houthi-held areas reels from years of war, dwindling funding and severe shortages of medicine, supplies and medical staff. Health facilities have also been damaged, forcing some to close.

The strain extends beyond Sanaa. The capital’s main hospitals routinely receive referrals from other provinces and regions, meaning their reduced capacity affects a far wider population under Houthi control.

Dissent from within

As the escalation weighs on the health sector, criticism is also mounting among figures and activists aligned with the Houthis.

Their complaints center on the war’s human cost, the treatment of fighters and the families of those killed or wounded, and recruitment practices that prey on economic hardship.

In the latest rebuke, activist and former Houthi fighter Abdullah Sharaf al-Mahdi attacked the group’s leaders and supervisors, accusing them of trading on fighters’ blood and sidelining bereaved and wounded families for personal gain.

Fighters and their families bear the cost of the war, al-Mahdi said, while officials and supervisors receive privileges including property and financial allocations. The conflict, he added, had become a vehicle for advancing the interests of factions within the group.

Al-Mahdi said he regretted the years he had spent fighting for the Houthis and would not support them again. His comments reflect a shift among some critics from opposing the group’s policies to questioning its motives for prolonging the war.

Criticism has also emerged from within Houthi-controlled institutions.

Abdu Bishr, a member of the Houthi-controlled parliament in Sanaa, accused the group of ignoring Yemenis’ suffering and pursuing what he called “futile” wars. He urged it to keep economic and humanitarian issues out of the conflict.

Bishr called for salaries to be paid, detainees released and airports reopened. He warned that what he described as “taking pleasure in bloodshed” would deepen the humanitarian catastrophe and urged the group to ease people’s suffering or “leave the scene.”

Houthi activist and writer Zaid al-Kibsi also criticized the group’s recruitment of young people and adolescents, saying it exploited poverty and worsening economic conditions to push more of them toward the front lines.

He accused the Houthis of using religious and sectarian rhetoric, along with slogans of “jihad and martyrdom,” to recruit young people as many families struggle to meet their basic needs.

Some recruits depend on the group’s modest payments to support their families while risking death or injury in combat, al-Kibsi said.

Many are young men who have had no chance to build their lives or start families, leaving their relatives to bear the consequences when they are killed or wounded.

Arab World

Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
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Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)

Israeli support for landlocked Ethiopia’s bid for access to the Red Sea is fueling tensions with Egypt, which has repeatedly opposed Addis Ababa’s moves amid a separate dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and its impact on Cairo’s Nile water share.

The Israeli backing raises friction with Egypt and gives Tel Aviv another way to pressure Cairo over its positions, despite the legitimacy of Egypt’s stance under international law, experts told Asharq Al-Awsat. They said the international community would ultimately determine the outcome.

Ethiopia has been landlocked since 1993, when Eritrea gained independence after a three-decade war. It relies on neighboring countries’ ports, particularly Djibouti’s.

The Ethiopian News Agency said Israel had announced diplomatic support for Ethiopia’s efforts to secure access to the sea. It quoted Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise as saying that his country firmly backed the East African nation’s push for a Red Sea outlet.

Empowering and strengthening Ethiopia and stabilizing the Red Sea are in everyone’s interest, not Ethiopia’s alone, and Israel stands with Ethiopia in this effort, Neguise told the agency on Thursday evening.

It was not Neguise’s first intervention on an issue dividing Egypt and Ethiopia. In August, he told reporters that Israel would “continue to strengthen its support for Ethiopia, with the aim of helping it become a leading economic power on the African continent.”

Threat to Egyptian interests

African affairs expert Asmaa al-Husseini said the Israeli statements “increase tensions with Egypt” and point to “a covert Israeli role in Ethiopia’s Red Sea moves aimed at harming Egyptian interests.”

The issue may not trigger a direct crisis between Cairo and Tel Aviv, she told Asharq Al-Awsat, but Egypt would closely monitor it. Cairo’s response would depend on the level of escalation and Ethiopia’s actions on the ground.

“Egypt has the right to defend its national security,” Husseini said. “If any military arrangements targeting it are pursued in the Red Sea, Egypt will take measures to prevent them. Ethiopia and Israel understand this, but they are trying by every means to impose a fait accompli. Egypt will never accept that.”

Neguise’s latest remarks coincided with renewed Egyptian opposition to Ethiopian access to the Red Sea.

“There are sovereign states with ports on the Red Sea, and no one has the right to grant any country military maritime access. Otherwise, there would be chaos, particularly as many African countries are landlocked,” Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty told a news conference on Thursday evening.

“There is no problem with commercial access,” he added.

Ramadan Qarny, an expert on African affairs, said Egypt’s opposition rested on several established principles.

“The first is legal: respect for international law, which affirms the exclusive right of littoral states to maintain a presence on the Red Sea coast,” Qarny told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The second is respect for African Union principles, which uphold the sanctity of borders inherited from the colonial era. Raising this issue could therefore open the door to widespread unrest across African countries.”

The third principle, Qarny said, was that “Egypt’s actions and position align with the principles of the African and Arab states bordering the Red Sea.”

Qarny said Israel was seeking Ethiopian backing on a similar issue: Israel’s presence in, or recognition of, the breakaway Somaliland region, which took place in December 2025.

“There is a political quid pro quo,” he said. “Israel supports Ethiopia in obtaining access to the Red Sea coast in exchange for Ethiopian support for Israel’s recognition of the breakaway Somaliland region.”

Cairo’s position

Cairo has not officially responded to Israel’s continued moves on Ethiopia.

Former Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed El-Orabi, a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the chairman of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, has downplayed their impact.

In earlier remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said they would “neither undermine nor change” Egypt’s positions.

Qarny said Israeli support was unlikely to significantly alter the dynamics of the Egyptian-Ethiopian disputes.

“Tensions already exist and are likely to increase,” he said, adding that Ethiopian media had in recent months waged what he described as “a coordinated and organized campaign,” led by the Ethiopian News Agency, against Egypt’s positions.

The campaign, he said, had targeted Cairo’s stance on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Nile Basin countries’ Cooperative Framework Agreement and Ethiopia’s bid for maritime access.

Arab World

Iraqi Factions Demand Law Bringing All Weapons Under State Control

Officials from the Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga Ministry attend a security coordination meeting in Baghdad (government media)
Officials from the Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga Ministry attend a security coordination meeting in Baghdad (government media)
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Iraqi Factions Demand Law Bringing All Weapons Under State Control

Officials from the Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga Ministry attend a security coordination meeting in Baghdad (government media)
Officials from the Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga Ministry attend a security coordination meeting in Baghdad (government media)

Iraqi factions have renewed their demand that the Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga forces be included in a plan to bring weapons under state control through a new law.

Qais al-Khazali, a senior figure in Asaib Ahl al-Haq, which announced last month that it had handed over its weapons, said the Kurdish forces were “constitutional and recognized by law.”

Iran-aligned Iraqi groups have repeatedly set conditions for accepting the plan. Observers believe the groups are trying to buy time as they await the outcome of the Iran-US conflict in the region.

Al-Khazali, a leader in the Coordination Framework alliance, said in televised remarks on Thursday night that “the Peshmerga is a constitutional institution and is not subject to the criteria for bringing weapons under state control.”

“These forces are recognized under the law,” he added.

Al-Khazali said bringing weapons under state control was “a legitimate aspiration for the stability of state institutions.” He added that “Shiite politicians are more concerned with this project than others.”

He said weapons had been transferred to state institutions “genuinely, rather than merely symbolically,” adding that Asaib Ahl al-Haq’s weapons had been placed under the authority of the Popular Mobilization Forces.

Al-Khazali’s position on the Peshmerga reflects sharp divisions among Shiite forces, including armed factions that have demanded the disarmament of Kurdish formations.

Al-Zaidi had made bringing weapons under state control a central part of his government program. Asaib Ahl al-Haq and other factions joined the settlement in the hope of easing international pressure and clearing the way for their participation in political and executive roles.

Sabah al-Numan, spokesperson for the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, said on Thursday that talks with armed factions were underway at the highest levels to resolve the weapons issue.

He said, however, that implementation would begin after the international coalition’s mission ends on Sept. 30.

A law applying to everyone

Al-Khazali’s remarks followed local reports citing sources familiar with the talks with the factions.

The sources said the factions had demanded a new law requiring everyone, including the Peshmerga, to disarm.

Several faction officials told figures in the Coordination Framework that restrictions on weapons should apply to all parties, the sources said.

They said the proposal aimed to control, regulate, and manage weapons nationwide under a unified legal framework. This would prevent measures from being applied selectively to one party but not another.

The sources said a committee would be formed in the next phase to draft a law governing the control, regulation, and management of weapons.

The draft would undergo legal review before being referred to parliament for a vote, with political forces participating in the process.

Kifah Mahmoud, media adviser to the president of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the Iraqi constitution recognizes the legitimacy of the Peshmerga’s weapons.”

He described al-Khazali’s remarks as “a belated acknowledgment.”

Mahmoud said the federal government was fully informed about the Peshmerga’s weapons, equipment and military divisions. He added that the Peshmerga was an essential part of Iraq’s official military establishment.

He said bringing the Peshmerga into the debate over weapons control in Baghdad reflected deep divisions within the governing alliance and an attempt to divert attention from the heart of the crisis.

A political source familiar with the matter told Asharq Al-Awsat that the government’s plan was being obstructed by disagreements within the governing alliance itself.

The source said some figures opposed disarmament because they believed these groups should not be stripped of their power and influence.