Residents Enter Shattered South Lebanon Town After Israeli Withdrawal

Residents of Zawtar gather near a Lebanese army checkpoint as they are allowed to return to their town following a four-day wait, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, southern Lebanon, 24 July 2026. (EPA)
Residents of Zawtar gather near a Lebanese army checkpoint as they are allowed to return to their town following a four-day wait, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, southern Lebanon, 24 July 2026. (EPA)
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Residents Enter Shattered South Lebanon Town After Israeli Withdrawal

Residents of Zawtar gather near a Lebanese army checkpoint as they are allowed to return to their town following a four-day wait, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, southern Lebanon, 24 July 2026. (EPA)
Residents of Zawtar gather near a Lebanese army checkpoint as they are allowed to return to their town following a four-day wait, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, southern Lebanon, 24 July 2026. (EPA)

Residents began entering the southern Lebanese town of Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on Friday, some inspecting damaged homes and searching for belongings after Israeli troops withdrew and the Lebanese army deployed under a US-brokered agreement.

The return remains tentative. More than half the town has been destroyed and many of the homes still standing are badly damaged, according to Mayor Abed Ezzeddin.

Residents walked through streets covered in rubble, stopping outside damaged homes.

"We've been waiting for this moment for almost five months," said one, Mohammed Darwish

"We want to go in and check," he said. "We're ‌happy that we're going ‌in today."

Darwish said he hoped to remain ‌in ⁠the town but ⁠that residents had not been told whether they would be allowed to stay overnight.

For some, the scale of the destruction has not diminished their determination to remain.

"My house is destroyed, and my children's house is destroyed. Everything is destroyed," said another resident, Abu Ali Ezzeddin.

"I'm planning to stay in (Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh) because my livelihood is here," he said.

The Lebanese army ⁠began deploying in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on Tuesday after Israeli ‌forces withdrew from the area, ‌marking the first test of a US-brokered plan agreed by Lebanon and Israel in ‌direct talks.

The plan foresees the Lebanese army confiscating weapons from the ‌Iran-aligned Hezbollah group in designated areas and Israeli troops withdrawing in phases so that Lebanese troops can deploy. The Israeli military has described Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh as one of three towns or villages covered by the initial pilot program.

Israeli ‌troops still occupy a swathe of territory about 10 kilometers (six miles) into southern Lebanon, where they have razed ⁠villages to ⁠the ground.

As a result, tens of thousands of Lebanese displaced from their hometowns when the latest war between Hezbollah and Israel erupted on March 2 remain unable to return home.

Israeli troops continued to carry out controlled explosions in towns they occupy near Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh this week.

Army units have been sweeping Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh for mines and unexploded ordnance, and ambulances entered the town on Thursday to remove the bodies of Hezbollah fighters killed in fighting in the town.

A senior Lebanese military official told Reuters this week that considerable work remained before the town could be declared safe.

On Thursday, Hezbollah's parliamentary bloc dismissed the Lebanese army's deployment as a symbolic exercise.



Hezbollah Threat to Mobilize the Street: Venting Anger or a Pressure Tactic?

Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)
Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)
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Hezbollah Threat to Mobilize the Street: Venting Anger or a Pressure Tactic?

Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)
Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)

“You have the right to be angry. But we ask you to hold that anger inside and be ready to use it when the time comes to achieve your goals and demands.” With those words, Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem addressed supporters in his latest appearance last week.

He then went further: “This anger has its time, and it can erupt,” warning in advance that responsibility for the fallout from any such eruption would lie with those who “do not know how to do their job” or who “try to work against the resistance and its people.”

The remarks have raised a broader question in Lebanon: Is Hezbollah preparing its supporters for a stage in which it moves from containing anger in the street to mobilizing it?

The question comes as southern Lebanon and its residents face severe hardship, mounting losses, and growing political and military pressure.

No decision to take to the streets

For now, there is still a gap between anger and a decision to mobilize.

Qassem Qassir, a political writer close to Hezbollah, said the anger Qassem referred to “is real and present within the resistance’s support base, particularly in the south, which is facing Israeli killings, destruction and massacres, which the Lebanese authorities have been unable to stop despite ongoing negotiations with Israel.”

But Qassir said there was “no information so far indicating any change in Hezbollah and the Amal Movement’s decision not to take to the streets.” Amal, led by parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, is a close ally to the Iran-backed party.

Qassir said some groups occasionally stage spontaneous protests, while anger is also expressed through statements and comments on social media.

Still, he said Qassem’s remarks could be “a signal for steps to come,” particularly amid what he described as “psychological preparations” for possible action if the situation moves toward further escalation.

“Hezbollah’s popular base is ready to mobilize,” he said, pointing to large turnouts whenever supporters are called to an event or funeral.

Protest vs. uprising

Political writer and academic Mona Fayyad drew a sharper distinction between anger inside Hezbollah’s support base and the ability to turn it into collective action.

“The main question is whether there is anger among Hezbollah’s supporters that could lead to an explosion, and whether the secretary-general is capable of turning that anger into actual mobilization,” Fayyad told Asharq Al-Awsat.

She said anger was unsurprising given displacement and the difficult social and living conditions facing Hezbollah’s supporters. But, she added, that did not mean it would become a popular uprising.

Collective action, she said, requires several conditions: a shared sense of threat, confidence in the leadership calling for action, and a belief that mobilization can produce results.

She also warned that a leader who identifies his supporters’ anger while asking them to delay expressing it risks widening the gap between the leadership and its base.

Qassem’s limited charisma “does not help him manage Hezbollah’s relationship with its supporters or turn anger into popular mobilization,” she went on to say.

‘Operating on the margins’

Lawyer and university professor Ali Mourad was more critical.

He said Qassem’s latest speech, particularly his effort to place responsibility for the consequences of the war on the state, reflected “a major illusion” and “a continued attempt to evade responsibility by shifting it onto the state.”

“The situation in the south is extremely difficult, and Jabal Amel is facing one of its most dangerous political and social moments after the people of the south were uprooted from their land,” Mourad told Asharq Al-Awsat.

But he questioned where Qassem’s threatened “eruption” would be directed.

“Against whom would this explosion be, and for what purpose?” he asked. “Would it be against the state, which is now dealing with the consequences of a war it was not part of?”

“The current phase is not one of anger or explosion,” Mourad said. “It is a phase of reassessment, limiting losses and dealing with their consequences.”

He said Hezbollah was “incapable of taking serious steps in this direction” and was instead “operating on the margins to escape its responsibility.”

The people of the south understand that the state is not responsible for what happened and that responsibility for the choices that led to the war lies with Hezbollah, he stressed.

Mourad said the “anger, wounds, and sorrow” felt by southerners should instead be translated into politics by ending the existing duality and moving toward a clearer equation based on “land in exchange for weapons,” rather than “fueling the battle or reproducing it.”

“The tragedy of the people of the south now goes beyond the political dispute between Hezbollah and its opponents,” he said. “Everyone must come under the authority of the state as the only available option.”

Mourad ended with a pointed question: What is the value of calling people into the streets to protest when many are already living there after losing their homes and property?


Iraq Tests Limits of State Power in Push to Rein in Armed Factions

A member of the Iraqi security forces in Baghdad. (AFP)
A member of the Iraqi security forces in Baghdad. (AFP)
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Iraq Tests Limits of State Power in Push to Rein in Armed Factions

A member of the Iraqi security forces in Baghdad. (AFP)
A member of the Iraqi security forces in Baghdad. (AFP)

The Iraqi government appeared to test how far it could push efforts to bring weapons under state control by arresting a senior al-Nujaba Movement figure, then handing him over to the security arm of the Popular Mobilization Forces — a move that may have been designed to prevent a broader clash with armed factions.

Iraq's Counter-Terrorism Service arrested Abbas Hussein al-Yaqoubi, al-Nujaba's intelligence chief and a PMF official, in the Dhi Qar province on Monday under a judicial warrant over suspected involvement in attacks targeting the US presence and interests in Iraq.

Judicial authorities have not said why al-Yaqoubi was arrested or what charges he faces.

Hours later, the PMF said it had taken custody of him. Its media official, Muhannad al-Aqabi, said al-Yaqoubi had been handed to the PMF's General Directorate of Security "to follow up on legal proceedings with the judiciary," without giving further details.

The transfer suggested that the government, after showing it was prepared to deploy state security agencies against a prominent figure in a major armed faction, chose to contain the confrontation before it escalated, particularly after threats were directed at Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi.

Local reports say al-Yaqoubi oversees security in areas of Baghdad's southern belt.

The al-Nujaba Movement is aligned with Iran and continues to reject the Iraqi government's plan to bring weapons under state control by September 30.

Government spokesperson Haider al-Aboudi said al-Yaqoubi's arrest was carried out under a judicial order and that the government would deal according to law with anyone refusing to place weapons under state authority, according to remarks carried by Iraqi media.

The message was clear: the state claims authority over arms.

Test of strength

The arrest marked the clearest test yet of al-Zaidi's attempt to enforce state control over weapons, one of Iraq's most sensitive issues.

Several armed factions are tied to powerful political forces and retain military capabilities beyond the country's traditional security institutions, making any attempt to curb their autonomy, politically and militarily, fraught.

An official in the al-Nujaba Movement called the arrest a “dangerous escalation” by al-Zaidi and said the group would announce its position within hours.

The warning came after another pro-Iran group, Kataib Hezbollah, threatened al-Zaidi, prompting Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri to call for calm between the government and the “resistance factions.”

Al-Amiri warned against “hasty, ill-considered or provocative moves” and urged all sides to avoid inflammatory rhetoric and miscalculations.

Kataib Hezbollah security official Abu Mujahed al-Assaf escalated the rhetoric further on Tuesday, issuing a strongly worded warning to al-Zaidi and accusing him of “terrorizing the families of the mujahideen” through raids on homes under direct US supervision.

He set three conditions for defusing the crisis: “the complete and genuine departure of the Americans, the removal of Turkish forces from northern Iraq and the dissolution of the Peshmerga forces belonging to the Kurdistan Region.”

He described those demands as the basis for resolving what he called “the bravado of this young man” and for any future rapprochement or framework for dealing with the government.

Iraqi reports also said an extraordinary session between al-Zaidi and lawmakers on the Security and Defense Committee over legislation to bring weapons under state control was marked by objections, defenses of the factions and questions over what would happen to their weapons, fighters and families.

The reaction underscored the government's narrow room for maneuver.

Any attempt to impose a full state monopoly over weapons could quickly shift from a legal measure into a wider political and security crisis.

‘Iraq’s isolation’

Al-Aboudi said the government was trying to spare Iraq further consequences, saying the country had come close to isolation because of the weapons issue.

That may explain the government's balancing act: show that judicial orders can be enforced even against a senior figure in an armed faction, then contain the fallout before the confrontation spreads.

The timing is particularly sensitive as the international coalition's mission in Iraq approaches its end.

Al-Aboudi said the coalition was accelerating steps to conclude its mission by the end of September, while al-Zaidi was giving particular attention to strengthening Iraq's air defense capabilities.


Gaza Health Officials Say Israeli Strike on Port Kills Six

A Palestinian inspects the site of an Israeli strike on a cafe, at the seaport of Gaza City, August 18, 2026. (Reuters)
A Palestinian inspects the site of an Israeli strike on a cafe, at the seaport of Gaza City, August 18, 2026. (Reuters)
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Gaza Health Officials Say Israeli Strike on Port Kills Six

A Palestinian inspects the site of an Israeli strike on a cafe, at the seaport of Gaza City, August 18, 2026. (Reuters)
A Palestinian inspects the site of an Israeli strike on a cafe, at the seaport of Gaza City, August 18, 2026. (Reuters)

Gaza health officials said Tuesday that an Israeli airstrike killed six people in the port of Gaza City and wounded a dozen more, while the Israeli army said it had targeted several Hamas commanders.

Mahmoud Bassal, a spokesperson for Gaza's civil defense agency, which operates under Hamas authority, told AFP, that at least six were killed, "including a child, and a large number were wounded, as a result of an Israeli raid on tents of displaced people in Gaza port."

The Al-Shifa hospital in Gaza City said it had received five bodies and 13 injured, one of whom died later in the evening.

Eyewitness Mohammed Alghoul told AFP: "Israeli warplanes fired two missiles at the 'Sweet and Bitter' cafe on the fishermen's port west of Gaza City."

The Israeli army said it carried out a "precise aerial strike" against "several Hamas commanders" who "planned to carry out terror attacks against Israeli troops operating in the Gaza Strip" and that "steps were taken to mitigate harm to civilians."

According to Israeli media reports, the Israeli army has curbed its operations in the Gaza Strip in recent days under US pressure, and has only been carrying out strikes to remove imminent threats to its troops, or to eliminate those who participated in the October 7, 2023, attack against Israel that sparked the Gaza war.

The strike came one day after White House envoy Jared Kushner met Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who reiterated his position that a withdrawal of the Israeli army would only take place after Hamas is fully disarmed.

The Palestinian group, whose leader Khalil al-Hayya sat down with Kushner on Sunday, has said it is committed to the US-sponsored peace plan, and has demanded that the US administration pressure Netanyahu to adhere to it.