The Iran War’s Forgotten Captives: Sailors Trapped in the Arabian Gulf

US-Israel attacks against Iran on Feb. 28 followed by Iran’s almost-immediate closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has stranded thousands of sailors. (Tomas Munita for The New York Times)
US-Israel attacks against Iran on Feb. 28 followed by Iran’s almost-immediate closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has stranded thousands of sailors. (Tomas Munita for The New York Times)
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The Iran War’s Forgotten Captives: Sailors Trapped in the Arabian Gulf

US-Israel attacks against Iran on Feb. 28 followed by Iran’s almost-immediate closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has stranded thousands of sailors. (Tomas Munita for The New York Times)
US-Israel attacks against Iran on Feb. 28 followed by Iran’s almost-immediate closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has stranded thousands of sailors. (Tomas Munita for The New York Times)

Washington: Peter Eavis and Jenny Gross

Trapped on a commercial ship anchored four miles off Iran’s coast, about two dozen merchant seamen are entering their fourth month of living under the watch of Iranian guards.

Iran seized the vessel, the MSC Francesca, as it tried to pass through the Strait of Hormuz on April 22. Its sailors are from Montenegro, Indonesia, the Philippines and other countries. All are far from home.

They have no idea when they might be released and have had very little contact with the outside world.

The sailors “have no means of communication except every several days 30 minutes of internet,” a person familiar with conditions on the Francesca wrote.

The crew members of the Francesca are a subset of a much larger group of sailors in harm’s way in the Middle East. The attacks by the United States and Israel on Feb. 28, followed by Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz, immediately stranded some 1,500 ships and nearly 20,000 sailors, according to the International Maritime Organization.

Many ships have sailed out of the Arabian Gulf, dashing through the strait when conditions have allowed.

Roughly 6,000 sailors remain stranded, the maritime organization said. They live in peril, carrying out maintenance, lookouts and checks on cargo, with no safe way home.

Iran has enforced its claim of control over the strait with attacks on ships, drawing American retaliation.

On Monday, a cargo ship, the Greek-owned Minoan Pioneer, was hit near Oman and one of the crew members was missing, according to the International Maritime Organization. And the conflict has broadened throughout the region.

The pace of passages through the Strait of Hormuz has recently slowed to just over a dozen a day, a fraction of the prewar average of around 130 ships a day.

Civilian seafarers rarely have to work on the front line of armed conflict. But that is what has happened to these sailors in the Middle East, sometimes with deadly consequences.

Since the Iran war began, 17 sailors have been killed in 64 attacks around the Strait of Hormuz.

Most of the deaths have been the result of Iranian strikes, but three mariners died after the US Navy struck a ship in June. The Houthi militia in Yemen has targeted vessels in the Red Sea, and last week, two ships caught fire after an explosion at an Egyptian port.

The Francesca sailed into the Arabian Gulf on Feb. 22. It is owned by the Geneva-based MSC Mediterranean Shipping Company, the world’s largest container shipping company.

Some of the Francesca’s sailors had boarded the ship weeks earlier, according to a list of the crew members reviewed by The New York Times. MSC has not commented on the case and did not respond to requests for comment.

Founded in 1970 by Gianluigi Aponte, an Italian ship captain, MSC today has more than 1,000 container ships that transport goods from one continent to another, sailing on 300 trade routes. Aponte, worth over $50 billion, according to Bloomberg, last year transferred ownership of MSC to his son and daughter, Diego and Alexa Aponte.

In 2022, MSC surpassed the Danish giant Maersk to become the biggest container shipping company after a pandemic-era boom. Flush with cash, the company expanded its fleet and business lines, buying hospitals and ports and a high-speed rail company in Italy.

Despite being in one of the world’s most volatile regions, the Strait of Hormuz had been a busy, crucial and relatively conflict-free trade route.

Every month, thousands of ships passed through the strait, and one-fifth of the world’s oil supply depended on it. That has changed drastically. Attacks by Iran have prompted ship operators to avoid the strait.

Representatives for mariners have said the ship operators should not attempt passage until it is clearly safe to do so.

“Trade is important, but we shouldn’t be risking the lives of innocent people,” Arsenio Dominguez, the secretary general of the International Maritime Organization, said in an interview.

The Francesca sails under the maritime flag of Panama, which has led negotiations to free the vessel and its crew, in accordance with convention.

“There has been some improvement in the situation,” Ginette Testa, Panama’s ambassador to the International Maritime Organization, said on July 21. She said she could not comment further or give any details that could compromise ongoing negotiation efforts.

Two sailors, both Croatians, have been released from the Francesca, according to Croatia’s foreign affairs ministry. A government spokesman said he could not comment further because of the sensitivity of the matter.

The seafarers on board the Francesca were treated well and had sufficient access to food, said Romano Peric, a coordinator for the Croatian seafarers union, who was in regular touch with the families of the two Croatians before their release. At first, they had fairly regular access to their phones, but use was later restricted, he said.

In Switzerland, where MSC is based, “diplomatic channels are being used” to secure the release of the Francesca, a Swiss government spokesman, Pierre-Alain Eltschinger, said last week, declining to elaborate.

On the same day Iran seized the Francesca, it took another container ship, the Epaminondas, which is being held in waters near the Francesca, according to satellite data from Tanker Trackers. The Epaminondas is part of MSC’s fleet under a leasing agreement, and sails under the Liberian maritime flag.

Several sailors from the Epaminondas have been released, according to the Philippines’ Department of Migrant Workers. The Filipino sailors underwent medical and psychological assessments “after their difficult experience,” the department said in a statement.

“The seafarers feel absolutely abandoned, absolutely unprotected,” Mohamed Arrachedi, the coordinator of the International Transport Workers’ Federation for the Arab world and Iran, said of the sailors stranded in the Arabian Gulf. He added that their finances, sleep and mental health have been affected by the ordeal.

Some of the sailors stuck in the Arabian Gulf, with limited food availability, say they eat just rice and lentils once a day, Arrachedi said.

One sailor said he was sleeping in his clothes so he could easily evacuate if his vessel was hit.

Crew members can ask to be taken off their ships and transported to nearby ports to be flown home. But such evacuations are rare partly because they require the cooperation of immigration authorities in nearby countries, said Helen Sampson, a professor emeritus at Cardiff University who has studied the work conditions of mariners.

Many crew members are on short-term contracts and may be reluctant to refuse a dangerous voyage out of fear that they will be blacklisted by employers, Sampson said.

“They know that if they seem to cause any sort of trouble on board at all, they won’t get another contract,” she said. “So for a seafarer to object or demand repatriation while they’re on a ship, that’s pretty much going to be the end of their career at sea.”

Before the two MSC ships were seized in April, nearly 30 vessels had already been attacked, including, just days earlier, a container ship owned by MSC’s French rival, CMA CGM.

The fates of the Francesca and the Epaminondas remain unclear.

Natasha Brown, a spokeswoman for the International Maritime Organization, said on Monday that the Francesca and the Epaminondas remained in Iranian waters with seafarers on board.

“Discussions are ongoing among relevant parties for their release but are complicated by the wider geopolitical conflict,” she said.

After the ships were seized in April, the navy of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards said that two vessels had traveled “without the necessary permits,” according to a statement shared by a semiofficial Iranian news agency.

The statement said the ships had been directed toward Iran’s coast. According to the maritime firm Tanker Trackers, the ships remain in Iranian waters.

The New York Times



Death of Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah: The Libyan Who Escaped the Noose of the Lockerbie Case

A photo shows late Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi with Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah (second from left) upon the latter's arrival in the capital Tripoli, a day after his definitive acquittal in the plane bombing case (Tripoli, February 1, 2001) (Getty Images)
A photo shows late Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi with Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah (second from left) upon the latter's arrival in the capital Tripoli, a day after his definitive acquittal in the plane bombing case (Tripoli, February 1, 2001) (Getty Images)
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Death of Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah: The Libyan Who Escaped the Noose of the Lockerbie Case

A photo shows late Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi with Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah (second from left) upon the latter's arrival in the capital Tripoli, a day after his definitive acquittal in the plane bombing case (Tripoli, February 1, 2001) (Getty Images)
A photo shows late Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi with Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah (second from left) upon the latter's arrival in the capital Tripoli, a day after his definitive acquittal in the plane bombing case (Tripoli, February 1, 2001) (Getty Images)

On August 25, 2026, in a quiet corner of the Libyan capital Tripoli, the life of Libyan citizen Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah came quietly to an end at the age of nearly 70.

His death officially closes one of the most mysterious and compelling chapters in the history of the diplomatic and intelligence conflict between East and West. It also closes a living chapter in the case of the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, which was traveling from Frankfurt to New York via London when it exploded over the Scottish town of Lockerbie in 1988, an incident that reshaped international politics for decades.

For an entire decade, the name of this man, who began his career as a low-ranking airline employee, echoed through the corridors of the United Nations Security Council. His photograph appeared on television screens around the world and in newspapers for years as the "second suspect" in the most horrific act of aerial terrorism of the 20th century.

Fhimah was an unwilling participant in a unique legal and political saga in which the details of his everyday life on the island of Malta became the basis of an international case that nearly brought an entire country to the brink. He later stood behind the glass of the historic Camp Zeist courtroom in the Netherlands and heard the word "acquitted" pronounced by Scottish justice at the dawn of the new millennium. He returned home carrying an acquittal that politics had been unable to grant him for years.

His death has reopened the memories of the era of crippling sanctions and international isolation, reminding the world of the story of a man who lived at the heart of the storm and died in complete seclusion, far from the political turmoil that had nearly consumed him.

Forgotten Beginnings: From Tripoli to Luqa Airport

Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah was born in 1956 in the Souq al-Jumaa area on the outskirts of the Libyan capital, Tripoli. He progressed through his career until he joined Libyan Arab Airlines. In the mid-1980s, he was sent to work as an airline official, dispatcher, and station manager for the company at Luqa Airport in Malta.

The position appeared routine for the young employee, had it not intersected with the intense intelligence conflict unfolding across the Mediterranean between the former Libyan regime and the United States and its Western allies.

At the time, Fhimah did not know that his signature on cargo documents and the timing of his shifts at the Mediterranean airport would later become key evidence cited in the international indictment prepared by senior investigators in Washington and London.

The Night the Plane Fell and the International Storm Began

On December 21, 1988, the sky over the Scottish town of Lockerbie was torn apart when a Boeing 747 operated by Pan Am, Flight 103, exploded while traveling from Frankfurt to New York, killing 270 people.

After three years of complex joint investigations by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Scottish police, two Libyan nationals were formally accused in November 1991: Abdelbaset al-Megrahi and Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah.

At the time, Western investigators alleged that Fhimah had used his position and contacts at Malta's airport to facilitate the passage of a bomb-laden brown Samsonite suitcase. The suitcase contained a timed bomb concealed inside a cassette recorder and was allegedly placed aboard a Libyan Airlines flight bound for Frankfurt, from where it was transferred to the doomed Pan Am flight.

Historic Handover and Trial on Neutral Ground

Tripoli initially refused to hand over its citizens, placing Libya under severe international sanctions and an air and economic blockade imposed by the UN Security Council in 1992.

Libya endured a decade of deep isolation and economic paralysis until difficult diplomatic efforts led by Arab and African parties produced a unique legal and historic settlement.

Under the settlement, Libya agreed in 1999 to hand over the two suspects for trial before a special Scottish court, but on neutral ground at Camp Zeist, a former US military base near Utrecht in the Netherlands, under Scottish criminal law.

Camp Zeist Shock: Historic Acquittal and Return

On January 31, 2001, the world held its breath as Scottish judges delivered the verdict millions had been awaiting. While his associate Abdelbaset al-Megrahi was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment, the court definitively acquitted Al-Amin Khalifa Fhimah of all charges and ordered his immediate release from behind the bulletproof glass enclosure.

The judges based his acquittal on insufficient evidence and major gaps in the witnesses' account, particularly that of Maltese clothing merchant Tony Gauci. The defense also conclusively established that Fhimah was not in Malta but was in Sweden on a business trip when the bomb-laden suitcase was checked in.

Voluntary Seclusion Until His Final Days

Following his acquittal, Fhimah returned immediately to Libya, where he received a hero's welcome in Tripoli from both officials and the public. He was portrayed as living proof that Western justice itself had established the innocence of the Libyan state from the full American account of events.

Yet the man, exhausted by years of fear, uncertainty, and detention, made a firm decision to stay completely out of the spotlight and politics. He lived the rest of his life as an ordinary citizen among his family in Tripoli, refusing to give press interviews that might reveal the secrets of that era.

The announcement of his death and the official mourning that followed brought a complete chapter of the bitter Libyan-Western conflict to a close.


Gaza’s Children Lose Simple Joy as Israel Warns Against Kite-Flying

Boys fly a kite against the backdrop of smoke rising from the Gath shelter, that houses displaced Palestinians, after an Israeli air strike in the west of Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip on January 31, 2026. (AFP)
Boys fly a kite against the backdrop of smoke rising from the Gath shelter, that houses displaced Palestinians, after an Israeli air strike in the west of Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip on January 31, 2026. (AFP)
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Gaza’s Children Lose Simple Joy as Israel Warns Against Kite-Flying

Boys fly a kite against the backdrop of smoke rising from the Gath shelter, that houses displaced Palestinians, after an Israeli air strike in the west of Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip on January 31, 2026. (AFP)
Boys fly a kite against the backdrop of smoke rising from the Gath shelter, that houses displaced Palestinians, after an Israeli air strike in the west of Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip on January 31, 2026. (AFP)

There are few joys left for 10-year-old Ahmed Hamdouna, whose childhood has already been scarred by years of war and displacement in Gaza.

Now, what little reprieve he found playing with scraps of plastic and sticks has also been torn away, as Israel warns it will step up military operations in the territory if kites continue to land on the Israeli side of the border.

"My father stopped me from flying my kites because of the occupation's threats," said Ahmed, who has been displaced to Deir el-Balah in the central Gaza Strip.

"I felt heartbroken after spending so much time collecting sticks and nylon, only for the occupation to prevent us from playing with them," he told AFP.

"We are just young children. They destroyed our home and our whole neighborhood -- what more do they want?"

Israel accuses Hamas of cynically using children and says the kites could pose a threat, years after a wave of incendiary kites and balloons sparked fires in Israeli farmland.

A series of kites have flown in recent days across the border into southern Israel, communities shaken by the Hamas-led attacks of October 7, 2023.

Hamas has denied responsibility. No explosives were detected, but at least one kite had a political message on it.

On Wednesday, an official of the US-led Board of Peace supervising the ceasefire plan in the territory said: "All militant activity in Gaza must stop, including the flying of kites."

"Israel, too, must comply with the ceasefire," a board official said.

Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem said the popular committees in Gaza's displacement camps were trying to prevent children from flying kites, over fears they could be targeted by the Israeli military.

Ahmed said he was now scared of playing, but couldn't understand why the Israeli military was "afraid of kites when they are just paper and string".

"I don't want to hurt anyone. I just want to play like children everywhere else," he said.

- 'Sense of freedom' -

For Gaza's children, building kites was a simple way to find joy among the ruins of war.

"There are no toys here, no amusement parks, not even a football to play with. The kite is the only thing we can make with our own hands that makes us happy when we fly it in the sky," said 11-year-old Yamen al-Mubayyed, who has also been displaced to Deir el-Balah.

"My friends and I get together and make them using pieces of wood we collect from destroyed houses, along with paper and string. We glue them together using flour and water, then go to the sea to fly them," he told AFP.

Yamen said even the buzz of Israeli surveillance drones didn't put him off flying his kites.

"It is the only thing that makes us feel that we children are alive and gives us a sense of freedom," he said.

Israel has kept up attacks in Gaza, saying it is targeting gunmen, despite a US-backed ceasefire which came into effect in October.

Israeli army chief Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir on Tuesday vowed to push on with demilitarizing Gaza "using all necessary means".

- 'Kill the joy in their hearts' -

For parents in Gaza, the once-harmless activity now carries immense worries.

Akram Abu Shurkh, 30, said he had forbidden his children from making kites but felt he had "killed the joy in their eyes" in doing so.

"These are children who do not understand military calculations. They only see it as a game and a way to release their energy," he told AFP.

"But I see death in the touch of the string and the flying of the kite."

In southern Gaza, 34-year-old Umm Moaz Huwayla said her heart raced from worry every time her children went outside with their kites, but felt she couldn't stop them from playing.

"The occupation wants to kill the joy in their hearts," she told AFP.

"They are not asking for much, only to live their childhood, even with a piece of string and a sheet of paper."


From UNIFIL to Verification Committees... Will Int’l Force in Lebanon Have Expanded Powers?

UN peacekeepers (UNIFIL) vehicles drive in the Lebanese village of Wazzani near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, July 6, 2023. (Reuters)
UN peacekeepers (UNIFIL) vehicles drive in the Lebanese village of Wazzani near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, July 6, 2023. (Reuters)
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From UNIFIL to Verification Committees... Will Int’l Force in Lebanon Have Expanded Powers?

UN peacekeepers (UNIFIL) vehicles drive in the Lebanese village of Wazzani near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, July 6, 2023. (Reuters)
UN peacekeepers (UNIFIL) vehicles drive in the Lebanese village of Wazzani near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, July 6, 2023. (Reuters)

With UNIFIL’s departure now all but certain, the question is no longer whether the UN force will remain in southern Lebanon, but who will replace it, and with what powers.

A European-led force and verification committees are under discussion, potentially expanding the international role from monitoring UN Security Council resolution 1701 to verifying exclusive state control over weapons south of the Litani River.

European-led force

Abbas Daher, director of the Center for Media Foresight, told Asharq Al-Awsat that a decision not to renew the UN Interim Force in Lebanon’s (UNIFIL) mandate was now “virtually certain,” despite recent attempts involving Italy to revive efforts for an extension.

“However, President Joseph Aoun’s visit to Italy and the current visit by Lebanese army Commander Gen. Rodolphe Haykal to continue discussions on implementation have effectively opened debate over the force that could succeed UNIFIL, whether in the form of verification committees or a force with a predominantly European composition,” Daher said.

“Discussions are now underway, and European countries, led by Italy, France and Spain, and perhaps Germany, are considering establishing a primarily European force to continue the mission,” he added.

“Efforts are also being made to gain international support for this arrangement.”

As for the verification committees, Daher said there was a proposal for the United States to play a role, particularly in verifying that weapons were under the state’s exclusive control and monitoring implementation. Discussions with Washington remain open, he added.

Italian proposal

Separately, local media reported having reviewed a four-page Italian proposal for the post-UNIFIL phase. The plan calls for a smaller, but more effective international presence focused on supporting the Lebanese army, protecting civilians and backing the mechanism monitoring the ceasefire.

The force could play a role in the disarmament measures, conditional on political approval.

Force’s mission

The debate over the force’s composition is closely tied to questions about its jurisdiction, mission and powers.

Asked how the new force would differ from UNIFIL, Daher said: “UNIFIL’s duties were defined by an international mandate and resolution 1701.”

“Lebanon will insist on replicating the experience or substance of the resolution in defining the nature of its work. The question, however, is whether that will succeed or whether amendments will be imposed, because Washington, under Israeli pressure, wants any committee to have greater executive powers.”

Retired Brig. Gen. Fadi Daoud agreed that the most important issue in the next phase was not limited to which party would replace UNIFIL. Rather, he said, it concerned a change in the nature of the international mission itself and the potential redefinition of the relationship between the new force and the Lebanese army.

“The process of ending UNIFIL’s mission has effectively become a reality, despite Lebanese efforts to secure an extension,” Daoud told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The central question has therefore become: Who will replace it? The alternative arrangement will be the one that receives US approval,” he added.

“We are moving from peacekeeping forces to verification committees — from a mission linked to resolution 1701 to a different mechanism suited to a post-1701 phase, at least in the form in which we have known it over the past years.”

“Lebanon has no problem with any mechanism for verifying exclusive state control over weapons south of the Litani because it is committed to this issue,” Daher said.

“But the fundamental question is whether Israel will withdraw or remain an occupying force. If verification committees carry out their work, the army reaches certain areas and confirms that they are free of weapons, will Israel uphold its end of the arrangement and withdraw?”

“There must be a clear framework for an Israeli withdrawal, just as there is a clear framework for ensuring exclusive state control over weapons in the south.”

Powers of the verification committees

From a military perspective, Daoud said the scope of the committees’ powers lay at the heart of the debate. The distinction between verifying that the army had completed its mission and helping oversee its implementation could determine whether any new arrangement was viable.

“Will the verification committees’ role be limited to confirming that the Lebanese army has completed the task required of it, or will they take part in overseeing how it is carried out? There is a very significant difference between the two,” he stressed.

“For example, if information is received about a weapons depot at a particular location and the Lebanese army raids the site, will the committee merely receive a report confirming that the mission was completed and verify its outcome? Or will it accompany the military force and monitor the search on the ground using personnel, cameras and communications equipment?” he added.

“This is not a technical detail. It could be the most dangerous issue in any new arrangement because the Lebanese army cannot easily accept a foreign party or an entity outside its military chain of command exercising such close oversight over how it performs its duties or directing it during search operations,” he continued.

“An international body can verify that a mission has been carried out and confirm its results. But moving toward direct supervision of its implementation could create serious and sensitive problems,” Daoud said.