Yemeni Government Forces Expand Al-Jawf Gains, Retake Al-Yatama

The Yemeni army made rapid gains in Al-Jawf province within 24 hours (Facebook)
The Yemeni army made rapid gains in Al-Jawf province within 24 hours (Facebook)
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Yemeni Government Forces Expand Al-Jawf Gains, Retake Al-Yatama

The Yemeni army made rapid gains in Al-Jawf province within 24 hours (Facebook)
The Yemeni army made rapid gains in Al-Jawf province within 24 hours (Facebook)

Yemeni government forces expanded their battlefield advances on Tuesday across several fronts, retaking the Al-Yatama area in Khabb and al-Shaaf district of Al-Jawf province, northeast of Sanaa, a day after recapturing Al-Labanat farther south.

The gains coincided with the launch of a major military operation in Al-Bayda province, southeast of Sanaa, and with continued fighting along the western coast and west of Taiz, on the sixth day of the Houthis’ escalation.

The advances come as government forces have shifted in recent days from containing Houthi ground attacks to regaining the initiative on several fronts, capitalizing on the group’s retreat from some positions. Army units, local resistance forces and the Giants Brigades continue to conduct operations across multiple fronts.

Government forces announced the capture of Al-Yatama in northeastern Al-Jawf, saying their advance in the area was continuing. The announcement came a day after they retook Al-Labanat, located to the south.

The two areas are strategically important because they lie along Houthi movement and supply routes. Controlling them would restrict the group’s supply and communication lines between its positions in parts of Al-Jawf and clear the way for government forces to continue operations toward the provincial capital, Al-Hazm.

Armed forces spokesman Staff Colonel Majid al-Nuzaili said government troops were advancing under carefully prepared military plans on the Al-Jawf and Al-Bayda fronts, with ground operations supported by air capabilities and advanced weapons.

Al-Nuzaili said forces had pounded Al-Yatama with rocket launchers to pave the way for troops and tribesmen to enter the area. Government forces later announced that they had taken control of it.

He also said forces had reached the outskirts of Dhi Na’im in Al-Bayda province and were preparing to enter the district.

The spokesman urged Houthi fighters to withdraw from the advancing fronts with their light weapons to preserve their lives, warning them against continuing to fight government forces.

New operation in Al-Bayda

In Al-Bayda, the Giants Brigades launched a major military operation against the Houthis and seized several forward positions and strategically important areas after clashes forced the group to retreat, according to field sources.

The sources said at least 23 Houthi fighters were killed and dozens wounded, while the group also suffered losses in equipment and vehicles. Government forces continued operations to consolidate control over captured positions and reinforce their advances along the battlefronts.

The opening of the Al-Bayda front alongside operations in Al-Jawf reflects the widening scope of the current ground campaign. During the first days of fighting, clashes had largely been concentrated along the western coast and west of Taiz.

In Taiz, fighting continued between government forces and the Houthis on several fronts, including Al-Kurayfat, east of Taiz city.

The Al-Dhalea axis also saw fierce clashes on the Murais front, where the two sides fought with various weapons and government forces said they inflicted losses on the Houthis in the Al-Qahra sector.

West of Taiz, battles continued across sectors of the Al-Barh axis, particularly in Al-Kadha. Forces involved in the operation said they had pounded three lines of Houthi defenses as clashes persisted elsewhere along the axis.

Missile attacks

Fighting also continued along the western coast as government forces advanced in Al-Jawf and Al-Bayda, while the Houthis sought to offset battlefield pressure by targeting civilian areas.

The city of Mokha came under ballistic missile fire on Monday evening, with a strike hitting the grounds of a medical complex and damaging healthcare facilities and housing for doctors and nurses, according to local and health officials. The attack prompted warnings about the consequences of targeting medical facilities and their staff.

Shawqi al-Mikhlafi, director of the health office in Mokha, said the strike on the medical complex constituted an attack on a healthcare facility.

Nasr Askar, director of the Mokha General Hospital Authority, warned of the dangers of targeting healthcare facilities, medical personnel and civilians.

The missile strike came amid an escalation along the western coast and west of Taiz that began last Thursday, when the Houthis expanded their ground attacks before government forces regained the initiative and advanced in several areas.

In recent days, the fighting has spread beyond the coastal fronts, with government forces advancing in southern Hodeidah and western Taiz and retaking positions on several fronts. The Houthis, meanwhile, deployed reinforcements and sought to hold their forward positions.

Tareq Saleh, a member of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council, said during a visit to wounded fighters at hospitals in Mokha that the armed forces had thwarted what he described as an Iranian project to control the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

He said opening fronts against the Houthis and Iran would strengthen resistance and ultimately lead, in his words, to the recapture of Sanaa.

Saleh reiterated the objective of retaking Sanaa and all Yemeni territory and ending what he called the project of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards in Yemen. He also praised the sacrifices of forces fighting along the western coast.



Tunisian Journalists Protest Over Media Crackdown

Protesters chant against President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia, August 20, 2026, demanding the restoration of democracy and calling for the release of jailed activists and journalists amid a worsening economic and social crisis (Jihed Abidellaoui/Reuters)
Protesters chant against President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia, August 20, 2026, demanding the restoration of democracy and calling for the release of jailed activists and journalists amid a worsening economic and social crisis (Jihed Abidellaoui/Reuters)
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Tunisian Journalists Protest Over Media Crackdown

Protesters chant against President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia, August 20, 2026, demanding the restoration of democracy and calling for the release of jailed activists and journalists amid a worsening economic and social crisis (Jihed Abidellaoui/Reuters)
Protesters chant against President Kais Saied, in Tunis, Tunisia, August 20, 2026, demanding the restoration of democracy and calling for the release of jailed activists and journalists amid a worsening economic and social crisis (Jihed Abidellaoui/Reuters)

Tunisian journalists protested on Tuesday to demand the release of prominent journalist Mohamed Yousfi, whose arrest has become a new flashpoint amid accusations that President Kais Saied is cracking down on the country's ‌remaining independent voices.

 

The protesters, who also included activists, gathered outside a court where a judge was questioning Yousfi over illicit enrichment and money laundering charges, which critics say were fabricated to punish him for his outspoken journalism.

 

Yousfi, a fierce critic of Saied and the editor-in-chief of investigative news website ⁠Al-Qatiba, was arrested last Friday as he was preparing to enter Express FM Radio to take part in a radio program.

 

His arrest prompted widespread condemnation of Saied’s government, with rights groups saying the case was aimed at increasing a climate of fear among journalists.

 

“The situation is dark and difficult. Journalists who disturb the authorities are facing legal persecution and fabricated charges,” Zied Dabbar, the head of journalists' syndicate SNJT, told Reuters.

 

“Today journalists either end up in exile or in ‌prison... ⁠But we will resist,” he added.

 

Several media figures have been jailed this year, including Zied Heni, Mourad Zghidi and Borhen Bsaies, while Khaoula Boukrim was sentenced in absentia in June to four years.

 

Free speech initially flourished following the 2011 uprising that toppled Zine El Abidine ⁠Ben Ali and ignited pro-democracy protests known as the “Arab Spring.”

 

But critics say Saied's accumulation of power in 2021 and decrees he has issued since then have dismantled democratic safeguards ⁠and enabled the authorities to pursue many journalists.

 

The leaders of Tunisia's main opposition parties have been jailed in the last three years, along with dozens of ⁠politicians, activists, journalists and businessmen, on charges of conspiring against state security, of money laundering and corruption.

 

Saied says he will not be a dictator and that freedoms are guaranteed in Tunisia.

 

 


Hate Speech and Attacks: What Is Happening to Iraqis in Iran?

A still photo from a widely circulated video showing the attack on Iraqi students in Iran.
A still photo from a widely circulated video showing the attack on Iraqi students in Iran.
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Hate Speech and Attacks: What Is Happening to Iraqis in Iran?

A still photo from a widely circulated video showing the attack on Iraqi students in Iran.
A still photo from a widely circulated video showing the attack on Iraqi students in Iran.

Official assurances that attacks on Iraqi students at Iran’s Semnan University have been contained have failed to quell questions over what sparked the violence, and whether growing anti-Iraqi and anti-Arab sentiment in Iran played a role.

The questions center on whether nationalist hostility and anger over financial and economic hardship caused by sanctions and war drove a group of Iranians to attack Iraqi students at their residences.

News outlet Shabaka 964 quoted traders and residents in Iran as saying that “an influential segment of Iranian society can no longer tolerate seeing even the small numbers of Iraqis passing through Iran.”

“An Iranian who supports Supreme Leader Khamenei sees an Iraqi as being under the Trump administration’s control, while an Iranian who supports the overthrow of the supreme leader’s regime sees an Iraqi as a supporter of the Popular Mobilization Forces and the supreme leader, and perhaps as someone involved in killing dissidents,” they added.

Attack begins

The incident began on Sunday when two heavily intoxicated Iranians tried to force their way into the students’ residential building. The students confronted the intruders and removed them from the building to prevent any misconduct and safeguard the premises and its residents.

The situation then escalated rapidly, with about 150 people gathering around and inside the building and attacking the Iraqi students. Several students suffered physical harm and injuries, while their personal property was damaged and the building’s windows were smashed as they tried to repel the attack and shelter themselves inside.

However, the Iraqi cultural attaché in Tehran denied that any students had been injured and described the incident as a “personal” dispute that had not been planned by the Iranian group.

Video testimonies

However, the return of some Iranians to the students’ residence the following day lends weight to unofficial accounts that describe the attack as deliberate and linked to resentment among some Iranians over the presence of Iraqis in the country.

Iraqi students appeared in video testimonies urging fellow students not to leave their residences and to leave Semnan province and its university because the area had “become dangerous and unsafe” for Iraqis.

They also said some Iranians had carried knives to attack Iraqis as they went shopping in nearby markets.

Follow-up committee

After Iraq’s Foreign Ministry faced criticism over its delayed response to appeals posted on social media by some of the students who were attacked, the ministry said on Monday that it had sent a committee to Iran’s Semnan province to follow up on the incident.

The ministry said in a statement that it had “followed with great concern the attack by a number of Iranian citizens on several Iraqi students at their residence in Semnan province in Iran.”

It added that “Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein directed the Iraqi Embassy in Tehran to ascertain the circumstances of the incident. The embassy sent a committee to check on the students, liaise with the relevant Iranian authorities and follow the course of the investigation, stressing the need for legal action against those responsible.”

The statement praised “the measures taken by the Iranian authorities to protect the students and transport them to their university to sit for their examinations.”

One-month leave

Following the Foreign Ministry’s statement, the Iraqi Embassy in Tehran said the crisis involving Iraqi students in Semnan province had been contained and that they had been granted one month’s leave.

The embassy said in a statement that “with the participation of the Iraqi Embassy and the Iraqi cultural mission, a delegation traveled to Semnan province to examine on the ground the circumstances of the crisis involving Iraqi students and directly assess their situation.”

It said the delegation “held meetings with university officials, Semnan provincial officials and the relevant authorities with the aim of addressing the aftermath of the incident and ensuring the safety of Iraqi students.”

“The crisis has been fully contained, and the Iraqi students have been granted one month’s leave to help calm the situation and restore stability to the university environment,” it added.

Iranian judiciary takes action

Mohammad Sadegh Akbari, head of the judiciary in Iran’s Semnan province, said on Monday that two people involved in the attack on Iraqi students had been identified. He said the public prosecutor in the provincial capital had issued orders summoning them before the relevant security authority.

Akbari told Iran’s state news agency IRNA that “two people involved in the clash outside the residence of Iraqi students at Semnan University have been identified. Judicial investigations are continuing to identify all those responsible for the incident, and those involved will be dealt with in accordance with the law.”

Akbari said the provincial judiciary was examining all aspects of the incident thoroughly and that, once the investigation was complete, legal and judicial action would be taken against anyone found to have played a role in the clash and in the disruption of public order and security.

Attack ‘not a coincidence’

Commenting on the attack, journalist Muntazer Nasser, who spent part of his life in Iran, said it “was not a mere coincidence” but the result of “a long series of hate speech on Iranian social media, with no official Iraqi action to counter it.”

Nasser said in a Facebook post that he had been monitoring anti-Iraqi rhetoric on Iranian social media since October 2025, beginning with “an unsubstantiated accusation that an Iraqi student at the University of Hamadan had harassed an Iranian female student, which developed into large demonstrations across the city.”

Nasser said he believed the demonstration was “a form of protest against the Iranian regime, but fear of confronting it led people to vent their anger by protesting against the Iraqi student.”

“Hate speech against Iraqis then resurfaced through a series of widely circulated videos purportedly showing members of the Popular Mobilization Forces entering the country, according to the many accounts that shared them, to suppress popular protests.”

“The rhetoric then intensified alongside images of luxury Iraqi cars driving through Iran with Iraqi license plates, which were contrasted with the poverty endured by Iranian society,” he added.

Nasser also pointed to the kidnapping of a considerable number of Iraqis and, most recently, the beating of seven tourists in the northern Iranian region of Gilan about two weeks earlier by some local residents and in full view of Iranian police, according to his account.

Nasser said the Iraqi Embassy in Tehran “should have monitored the escalation of this rhetoric from an early stage, drawn up a plan to counter it and warned its citizens. If it was unable to protect them, it should have informed the Foreign Ministry so that it could intervene at a higher level.”


Iraq Weighs Moving Factions’ Weapons to Iran for Storage

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attends the Coordination Framework meeting. (INA)
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attends the Coordination Framework meeting. (INA)
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Iraq Weighs Moving Factions’ Weapons to Iran for Storage

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attends the Coordination Framework meeting. (INA)
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attends the Coordination Framework meeting. (INA)

Iraq’s ruling Shiite coalition is discussing transferring powerful armed factions’ weapons to Iran for storage, informed sources said, omitting the politically sensitive disarmament issue from a statement after its weekly meeting on Monday.

A statement after the meeting, which was attended by Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, said participants had discussed the Popular Mobilization Forces law and “the importance of completing its enactment in a manner that regulates its work and strengthens its role within state institutions.”

They also discussed several key pieces of legislation, foremost among them the oil and gas law. On government formation, the Coordination Framework reviewed the ongoing talks and stressed the need to resolve the issue of vacant portfolios. It decided to proceed with naming the remaining ministers “to complete the formation of the government and enable it to carry out its duties.”

Meanwhile, political sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the omission of the weapons issue from the statement was “linked to the three committees formed by the Coordination Framework to resolve the issue of bringing all weapons under state control.”

The committees prefer to work away from public statements and media attention, the sources said, adding that most political party leaders, both within and outside the Coordination Framework, agree that weapons should be placed exclusively under state control.

The sources attributed the repeated refusal by the three main factions — Kataib Hezbollah, Harakat al-Nujaba and Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada — to disarm to their desire to secure guarantees that they would not face prosecution or political exclusion.

“The refusal is a negotiating tactic ahead of subsequent talks over what they may face after September 30,” the sources said.

September 30 is the deadline set for the withdrawal of US-led international coalition forces from Iraq and for the factions to lay down their weapons.

The sources said political discussions within the Coordination Framework and its committees had raised the possibility of transferring the weapons to Iran for storage, on the grounds that most of the arsenal belongs to Tehran, which supplied the groups with it.

This applies particularly to some long-range missiles that are not available to the Iraqi armed forces, they added.

The sources said Coordination Framework forces were taking the issue seriously because they feared US sanctions and backlash, with Washington insisting that the matter be resolved fully and without delay or stalling.

Several factions and Coordination Framework figures had previously set a series of conditions for disarmament that were widely regarded as impossible to meet.

They included the complete departure of international coalition forces, the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Iraqi territory, the Iraqi government’s assumption of full control over the country’s airspace and the departure from Iraq of Kurdish opposition parties hostile to Tehran.