How Israel Abducted a Senior Hamas Security Official from the Heart of Gaza

 Locals gather at the site of an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City, 01 September 2026. According to the Ministry of Health in Gaza, at least four Palestinians were killed in Israeli air strikes on 01 September.  EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
Locals gather at the site of an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City, 01 September 2026. According to the Ministry of Health in Gaza, at least four Palestinians were killed in Israeli air strikes on 01 September. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
TT

How Israel Abducted a Senior Hamas Security Official from the Heart of Gaza

 Locals gather at the site of an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City, 01 September 2026. According to the Ministry of Health in Gaza, at least four Palestinians were killed in Israeli air strikes on 01 September.  EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
Locals gather at the site of an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City, 01 September 2026. According to the Ministry of Health in Gaza, at least four Palestinians were killed in Israeli air strikes on 01 September. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER

On September 1, an Israeli special forces unit abducted Moeen Al-Arabid, a senior security official with Hamas and its security apparatus, from the heart of an area controlled by the group in western Gaza City. The operation caused shock and disbelief within Hamas and among other Palestinian factions.

The area turned into a battlefield at the time of the operation, which was carried out in the morning. Israel used various types of aircraft, including warplanes, helicopters, and drones with different missions, to provide cover for the special forces unit affiliated with the Israeli General Security Service, known as the Shin Bet, ensure the operation's success, and facilitate the unit's withdrawal.

How the Operation Began

Sources familiar with the ongoing investigation into the operation told Asharq Al-Awsat that Israeli forces carried out intensive intelligence and military movements for more than a week before the attack. These movements were clearly visible, but the prevailing belief was that they were part of efforts to locate leaders or operatives from Palestinian factions in order to assassinate them, or part of military movements intended to demonstrate the forces' control inside the Gaza Strip.

The sources said that on several separate days over a period of roughly 10 days, military operations were carried out around what is known as the new road at the Netzarim Junction, which separates the northern, central, and southern parts of the Gaza Strip. Israel occupied the area during the war and constructed the road there.

Israeli military vehicles made incursions into the area almost daily during that period. Their movements, accompanied by gunfire, resulted in the complete closure of Salah Al-Din Road, the main thoroughfare, while Israeli forces maintained fire control over the area and its surroundings to prevent any movement by Palestinians.

The investigation shows that the Israeli special forces unit that carried out the operation entered and exited the Gaza Strip via this road under heavy protection from military vehicles conducting incursions in the area. The unit repeated the entry and exit scenario several times to monitor and reconnoiter the target site in western Gaza City, roughly no more than 4 kilometers away.

The special forces unit used the advancing military vehicles as cover to infiltrate through the new road near the Netzarim Corridor. This occurred on the morning before the operation, allowing the unit at times to reach the western side via the central coastal Al-Rashid Road, or through side streets leading to Street 10 and from there into the heart of Gaza City.

Intelligence Cover

The sources revealed that the operation was not limited to military movements on the ground. Israeli forces also intensified their intelligence cover by flying a large number of drones over wide areas. At least eight drones a day were operating for more than a week over the Katibah area where the attack took place, as well as the coastal road and its surroundings.

The sources said that the movement and density of the drones were continuously monitored. Those conducting the surveillance, whether members of the "resistance" or government security agencies, would send urgent reports about them. However, all assessments pointed to the possibility of an airstrike assassination, as had usually been the case.

No unusual movement by any armed party, such as special forces, armed gangs, or others, was detected on the ground. In the Katibah area, the situation appeared to be completely secure.

A Vital Location

One of the most significant findings to emerge recently came after security cameras, as well as cameras belonging to homes, commercial shops, and other locations installed along some streets and in certain areas, were tracked.

The Israeli special forces unit was identified through its use of a small bus. By tracking footage showing the vehicle, investigators determined that the unit had been present at a vital and strategically important location inside Gaza City on the day before the attack.

According to the findings, as revealed by Asharq Al-Awsat sources, the unit spent the night inside Gaza City before moving in the morning to carry out its security mission. It emerged that other members of the force were also present at the site, posing as vegetable vendors and others around the house where the senior Hamas security official was staying. He had been preparing for his son's wedding ceremony.

The investigation shows that the Israeli special forces unit used more than one vehicle during its infiltration, including on the day of the operation and when it withdrew. Those inside the bus were the ones who abducted Al-Arabid.

It also emerged that they had been moving around the area alongside other members of the force, indicating that the unit consisted of a large number of personnel, no fewer than 30. They withdrew in vehicles and on motorcycles under heavy aerial fire. Aircraft struck one of the vehicles belonging to the force, which was carrying a Palestinian license plate, while military vehicles moved into the area and closed Salah Al-Din Road toward the new road at the Netzarim Corridor to secure their safe passage and transport them into an Israeli-controlled position.

Earlier Details

Sources told Asharq Al-Awsat days earlier that the security operation had begun roughly two months ago, when Shin Bet officers assumed the identity of an international relief organization that would provide assistance to Palestinians by establishing small businesses, including stalls selling vegetables, drinks, and other goods in the area where the operation took place.

According to the sources at the time, Shin Bet used Palestinian operatives, including women, to carry out the project and supply them with vegetables every day, presenting them as aid from the organization. The proceeds from the sales were supposedly to benefit those taking part in the project. The operatives later asked them to monitor certain homes and the movements of specific individuals in the area, including Al-Arabid.

The sources said at the time that those running the project were later found, following the operation, to have been collaborators working for the Israeli Shin Bet. On the day of the operation specifically, new individuals appeared at some of the stalls, while others had been there since the previous day selling vegetables. They were later found to be Shin Bet operatives who had arrived in the area and concealed their weapons inside the stalls. When the time came to launch the attack, they took part in the operation before disappearing and withdrawing from the area.

Following the attack, Hamas security agencies succeeded in arresting collaborators and people who had benefited from the project run by the fictitious relief organization for questioning.

This is not the first time Israel has used the guise of international organizations to conduct operations inside the Gaza Strip. One such case occurred when an Israeli special forces unit infiltrated the Al-Shifa Medical Complex in March 2024, before military reinforcements arrived at the site. The operation subsequently continued for two weeks, during which Hamas operatives and members of its various security apparatuses were killed or captured, including commanders from the Al-Qassam Brigades.



International Meeting Rules Out Military Solution to Sudan War

A view of the consultative meeting on coordinating peace initiatives and efforts in Sudan on October 21, 2026 (Saudi Foreign Ministry). 
A view of the consultative meeting on coordinating peace initiatives and efforts in Sudan on October 21, 2026 (Saudi Foreign Ministry). 
TT

International Meeting Rules Out Military Solution to Sudan War

A view of the consultative meeting on coordinating peace initiatives and efforts in Sudan on October 21, 2026 (Saudi Foreign Ministry). 
A view of the consultative meeting on coordinating peace initiatives and efforts in Sudan on October 21, 2026 (Saudi Foreign Ministry). 

International representatives meeting in Geneva have declared that there is no military solution to Sudan’s war, calling for an urgent humanitarian truce, an end to foreign interference and renewed efforts toward a political settlement.

The appeal came at the close of UN-organized Sixth Consultative Meeting on Enhancing Coordination of Peace Initiatives and Efforts in Sudan where the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have been fighting since April 2023.

In a final statement, participants warned that civilians were paying a devastating price for the warring parties’ pursuit of battlefield gains. They urged both sides to de-escalate and engage seriously in negotiations that could lead to a permanent ceasefire.

The sixth consultative meeting, which concluded Wednesday evening, was co-chaired by Swiss State Secretary for Foreign Affairs Alexandre Fasel and UN Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy for Sudan Pekka Haavisto.

Representatives of 22 countries attended, including the United States, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Britain, France, China, Russia and Sudan’s neighbors, alongside regional and international organizations such as the African Union, European Union and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

Confidence-building measures

Haavisto outlined UN efforts to introduce confidence-building measures that both warring parties might accept, including exchanges of prisoners of war and detainees, both military and civilian, and arrangements to allow students to sit examinations.

“We think that there are issues that should unite actually both parties of the conflict,” he said, describing such initiatives as modest first steps compared with the devastation caused by the war.

The meeting stressed that a humanitarian truce must pave the way for a lasting ceasefire, with de-escalation efforts bringing tangible improvements on the ground.

After three and a half years of fighting, participants dismissed the pursuit of military gains as a solution, warning that civilians were bearing the devastating cost of continued hostilities.

They called for full compliance with international humanitarian law and the protection of civilian facilities, particularly infrastructure essential to basic services.

States and other actors were urged to stop fueling the conflict by supplying mercenaries, military equipment, drones or financing.

Such support, the statement warned, would cause further casualties and increase the risk of Sudan’s fragmentation. It did not identify any countries or organizations responsible for providing assistance to the warring parties.

Participants reaffirmed their commitment to Sudan’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity, as well as the preservation of state institutions.

They rejected the creation of parallel governments, institutions or governing structures and called for concrete measures to prevent any steps that could undermine the country’s unity.

Push for an inclusive political settlement

The Geneva talks emphasized that lasting peace would require a credible, inclusive Sudanese political process reflecting the aspirations of the population.

Such negotiations should allow meaningful participation by political and civilian groups, including women and young people, and lead to an agreed transition toward sustainable peace and democratic governance.

Participants backed mediation efforts by the Quad — the United States, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt — and the Quintet, comprising the African Union, European Union, IGAD, Arab League and United Nations.

They stressed that any political process must be transparent, credible, and free from coercion.

The meeting also expressed grave concern over continuing hostilities, reports of atrocities and the increasing use of drones.

Millions of Sudanese face severe food shortages, while restrictions on humanitarian access and adverse weather conditions have heightened the threat of famine.

The conflict’s humanitarian, social and economic repercussions are also being felt across neighboring countries, raising fears of violence spreading beyond Sudan’s borders with potentially catastrophic consequences.

Regional and international coordination

The Geneva consultations follow earlier meetings in Cairo, Djibouti, Nouakchott and Brussels, the most recent held in the Egyptian capital on January 14.

The initiative seeks to bring regional and international diplomatic efforts into closer alignment as Sudan’s humanitarian catastrophe deepens.

Aid organizations estimate that more than 200,000 people have been killed and over 13 million displaced since the war began, leaving the country at the center of the world’s largest hunger and displacement crisis.

Participants also reaffirmed their commitment to the principles adopted at the ministerial conference on Sudan in Berlin last April and the spirit of the May 2023 Jeddah Declaration, under which the army and RSF pledged to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian access.


Escape Attempts, Assassination Plots Expose Rifts within Gaza’s Armed Gangs

Palestinians try to extinguish a fire in a vehicle destroyed by an Israeli airstrike south of Gaza City on Thursday. (EPA)
Palestinians try to extinguish a fire in a vehicle destroyed by an Israeli airstrike south of Gaza City on Thursday. (EPA)
TT

Escape Attempts, Assassination Plots Expose Rifts within Gaza’s Armed Gangs

Palestinians try to extinguish a fire in a vehicle destroyed by an Israeli airstrike south of Gaza City on Thursday. (EPA)
Palestinians try to extinguish a fire in a vehicle destroyed by an Israeli airstrike south of Gaza City on Thursday. (EPA)

Reports of attempted assassinations, defections and deadly escape attempts have exposed growing tensions within Israeli-backed armed gangs operating in areas of Gaza under Israeli control, according to Palestinian faction sources, Hamas security officials and statements issued by local families.

The groups operate east of the so-called Yellow Line, the boundary separating Israeli-held territory from areas controlled by Palestinian factions, primarily Hamas.

Since the October 2025 ceasefire agreement, Israeli forces have carried out near-daily strikes and targeted killings, expanded the territory under their control and, in many operations, relied on local armed groups backed by drone and artillery support.

Failed assassination attempt

Two field sources from Palestinian factions monitoring the gangs told Asharq Al-Awsat that two gunmen from Jabalia, northern Gaza, attempted to assassinate Shawqi Abu Nasira, who leads a group based north of Khan Younis and east of Deir al-Balah.

One of the men was a former member of Hamas’ armed wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades, who had defected.

The attack, carried out about two weeks ago, failed for reasons that remain unclear to the Palestinian side, according to one source. Both suspects were subsequently arrested and handed over to officers from Israel’s Shin Bet security agency for questioning.

The second source maintained that the pair had acted independently, although their motives were unknown.

It was unclear whether the attempt stemmed from disputes with Abu Nasira and his associates or reflected a desire to reverse their defections and leave the gangs.

The incident comes amid reports of members abandoning their positions and returning to their families in areas west of the Yellow Line.

Internal disputes and defections

A security official from Gaza’s Hamas-run administration, who monitors the armed groups, reported growing internal friction, with some disagreements escalating into exchanges of gunfire between members and commanders.

Some disputes involved drug trafficking, while others arose from gunmen seeking to break away and return home.

Several members had contacted their families in recent months, asking them to coordinate with security agencies and clan leaders to secure permission to return and guarantees of safety, the official told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Others offered to act as informants for security bodies affiliated with the Palestinian factions or carry out attacks against the gangs.

The official cited an incident two months earlier in which a gunman attempted to assassinate Hussam al-Astal, who heads an armed group in southern Khan Younis.

According to the same source, five attempts to flee gang-controlled areas toward territory held by Palestinian factions were documented over the past two weeks.

All five men were killed by bombs dropped from quadcopter drones, the official revealed.

A field source in Rafah, southern Gaza, provided further details, reporting that Israeli drones had killed two young men three days earlier as they tried to escape from the gang formerly led by Yasser Abu Shabab, who was killed in late 2025.

The group is now headed by Ghassan al-Dahini.

Three other men were killed in two separate incidents while attempting to flee from southern and eastern Khan Younis, according to the source.

Entire families flee

In recent weeks, families in central and southern Gaza, including the Abu Shamkha, al-Assar and al-Shaer families, have issued statements mourning relatives killed while trying to return home after deciding to sever ties with the armed gangs.

Meanwhile, Hamas security forces were taken by surprise several weeks ago when entire families fled areas controlled by a group led by former Palestinian security officer Ashraf al-Mansi in northern Gaza.

Hundreds reached Hamas-controlled territory, where security personnel questioned them and established a camp to accommodate them.

The displaced families were subsequently placed under what the authorities described as “remote surveillance.”


Fear of Another War Weighs on Lebanon amid Regional Tensions

A man removes debris from his destroyed house, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh village, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, Oct. 20, 2026. (AP)
A man removes debris from his destroyed house, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh village, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, Oct. 20, 2026. (AP)
TT

Fear of Another War Weighs on Lebanon amid Regional Tensions

A man removes debris from his destroyed house, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh village, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, Oct. 20, 2026. (AP)
A man removes debris from his destroyed house, in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh village, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, Oct. 20, 2026. (AP)

Lebanese people are once again confronting the possibility of war as mounting regional tensions raise fears that their country could be drawn into a wider conflict, either through Hezbollah’s involvement in a conflict involving Iran or renewed fighting with Israel.

The uncertainty is compounded by Washington’s unresolved decision on whether to resume military operations against Iran, Hezbollah’s silence over how it might respond and the Lebanese state’s inability to ensure the country remains outside the regional confrontation.

Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Mitri acknowledged “serious concerns” that a full-scale regional war could turn Lebanon into one of its battlegrounds, but cautioned that there was no concrete information pointing to such an outcome.

“We are still dealing with analysis and possibilities, not information,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat, noting that even those directly involved in mediation between Washington and Tehran lacked definitive answers.

Mitri denied that official delegations visiting Lebanon recently had advised authorities to prepare for war.

The decision to resume hostilities, he explained, would ultimately depend on US President Donald Trump, Iran’s response and Israel’s position.

“The war against Lebanon has not stopped in the first place. What we fear is that it will intensify again,” he said.

Asked about the government’s preparations for another round of fighting, Mitri pointed to its limited resources. “The state is doing everything it can on the relief front, but our capabilities are extremely limited.”

People pray inside a mosque in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh village, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, Oct. 20, 2026. (AP)

Hezbollah remains silent

Iran-backed Hezbollah has given little indication of whether it would join a broader confrontation if Washington resumed its military campaign against Iran.

Reports suggest the group is making military and relief preparations in anticipation of renewed hostilities. Unconfirmed accounts have also said that Iran instructed Hezbollah to raise its military readiness.

Political analyst Qassem Kassir, who closely follows Hezbollah’s position, said the group had been preparing for the possibility of fresh Israeli attacks since the previous war ended.

“After every war, there is a review of what happened, lessons are drawn and preparations are made for any future confrontation,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Such measures were only natural given Israel’s continuing attacks on Lebanon, he explained. But Kassir warned against drawing conclusions about Hezbollah’s intentions in the event of a US-Iranian confrontation, noting that even the likelihood of such a conflict remained uncertain.

“Even if war breaks out, many questions remain. What kind of war would it be? What would its repercussions be? How might it develop?” he wondered.

Hezbollah does not announce its decisions in advance, he explained. Its response would depend on the nature and scale of any fighting.

While preparations for different scenarios were to be expected, Kassir said there were no signs on the ground of an impending large-scale conflict.

Demolished houses by Israeli forces in Kfar Tebnit village, are seen from Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, Oct. 20, 2026. (AP)

Displacement fears

The anxiety is already shaping decisions among residents of South Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Those who can afford it continue to rent apartments in Mount Lebanon, the Iqlim al-Kharroub area and other locations considered safer when clashes between Hezbollah and Israel erupt.

For families who remain in vulnerable areas, the fear of returning to emergency shelters has become a constant concern.

Fatima M., 41, who works at a shopping center on the outskirts of Beirut’s southern suburbs, recalled taking refuge in Amchit, about 40 kilometers north of the capital, during earlier fighting.

“We are genuinely afraid of being displaced again,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I work in the southern suburbs, but the shelter where I stayed was in Amchit. We cannot endure any more tragedies or disasters. It is time for us to live in peace, like everyone else.”

Lebanon still has 63 shelters housing displaced people, including 44 educational institutions and 11 institutes and other facilities affiliated with the Education Ministry.

Ministry sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that buildings no longer used for teaching had been made available for emergency accommodation.