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Sudan’s RSF Claims New Gains in Blue Nile Fighting

Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)
Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)
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Sudan’s RSF Claims New Gains in Blue Nile Fighting

Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)
Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)

Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and allied fighters said they had captured the town of Maqja in the southeastern Blue Nile region, following clashes that saw them gain control of several other areas.

The Tasis alliance, which includes the RSF and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), said its forces had seized Maqja after taking control of Sali, Al-Keili and Bakori.

The alliance’s claims could not be independently verified, although the Blue Nile regional government acknowledged changes in troop deployments and territorial control.

Videos released Friday by Tasis fighters showed members of the RSF, SPLM-N and Al-Bishi Forces, a Blue Nile paramilitary group affiliated with the RSF, inside Maqja.

The Sudanese army neither confirmed nor denied losing the town. However, pro-army social media platforms said no troops had been stationed there when alliance forces entered, claiming the army had withdrawn from the area about three months earlier.

The platforms played down the significance of the announced capture, describing the videos circulated by the RSF-SPLM-N alliance as part of the information war.

Maqja has witnessed fighting between the two sides before. On September 20, Anadolu Agency quoting a local official, reported that the army and allied forces had repelled an RSF-SPLM-N attack on Maqja and Mada.

Maqja lies in the Bau locality in southwestern Blue Nile, connected by local roads to Kurmuk, Al-Damazin and the Ingessana Hills. It lies some 90 kilometers from Al-Damazin, the regional capital.

The RSF and SPLM-N had captured the strategic Sali area in Kurmuk following clashes with government forces in late October and early November.

Army, RSF claim separate drone shootdowns

Meanwhile, the Sudanese army and RSF separately announced that they had shot down drones in the West Kordofan and Blue Nile states.

In a statement Saturday, the army said its air defenses had downed a hostile FH-95 drone that morning over the Ayal Bakhit area of West Kordofan.

The army did not identify the drone’s operator or provide further details.

The RSF, meanwhile, claimed to have shot down a Bayraktar Akinci drone belonging to the Sudanese army while it was flying over the Blue Nile front.

Neither incident could be independently verified. Images of wreckage released by the RSF did not establish the drone’s type or when and where it had been brought down.

Regional government acknowledges military changes

In its first official response to the latest developments, the Blue Nile regional government issued a statement seeking to reassure residents, urging them to rely on official information and refrain from circulating unverified reports about the fall of towns or the collapse of military positions.

The government acknowledged military and security developments in parts of the region, saying military operations required troop movements and changes in deployment and territorial control.

It said it was monitoring the situation in coordination with military and security authorities and working to protect civilians and maintain essential services.

The statement did not specifically deny that RSF and SPLM-N forces had entered Maqja, nor did it clarify where army units had been deployed before the latest developments.

The Blue Nile region lies in southeastern Sudan, bordering Ethiopia and South Sudan. Al-Damazin hosts the headquarters of the Sudanese army’s Fourth Infantry Division.

The SPLM-N, led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, has long maintained positions in the southern part of the region, particularly near the borders with South Sudan and Ethiopia.

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Arab World

Sudan’s RSF Claims New Gains in Blue Nile Fighting

Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)
Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)
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Sudan’s RSF Claims New Gains in Blue Nile Fighting

Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)
Sudanese refugees walk at the Iridimi refugee camp, northwest of Iriba, in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 27, 2025. (Reuters)

Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and allied fighters said they had captured the town of Maqja in the southeastern Blue Nile region, following clashes that saw them gain control of several other areas.

The Tasis alliance, which includes the RSF and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), said its forces had seized Maqja after taking control of Sali, Al-Keili and Bakori.

The alliance’s claims could not be independently verified, although the Blue Nile regional government acknowledged changes in troop deployments and territorial control.

Videos released Friday by Tasis fighters showed members of the RSF, SPLM-N and Al-Bishi Forces, a Blue Nile paramilitary group affiliated with the RSF, inside Maqja.

The Sudanese army neither confirmed nor denied losing the town. However, pro-army social media platforms said no troops had been stationed there when alliance forces entered, claiming the army had withdrawn from the area about three months earlier.

The platforms played down the significance of the announced capture, describing the videos circulated by the RSF-SPLM-N alliance as part of the information war.

Maqja has witnessed fighting between the two sides before. On September 20, Anadolu Agency quoting a local official, reported that the army and allied forces had repelled an RSF-SPLM-N attack on Maqja and Mada.

Maqja lies in the Bau locality in southwestern Blue Nile, connected by local roads to Kurmuk, Al-Damazin and the Ingessana Hills. It lies some 90 kilometers from Al-Damazin, the regional capital.

The RSF and SPLM-N had captured the strategic Sali area in Kurmuk following clashes with government forces in late October and early November.

Army, RSF claim separate drone shootdowns

Meanwhile, the Sudanese army and RSF separately announced that they had shot down drones in the West Kordofan and Blue Nile states.

In a statement Saturday, the army said its air defenses had downed a hostile FH-95 drone that morning over the Ayal Bakhit area of West Kordofan.

The army did not identify the drone’s operator or provide further details.

The RSF, meanwhile, claimed to have shot down a Bayraktar Akinci drone belonging to the Sudanese army while it was flying over the Blue Nile front.

Neither incident could be independently verified. Images of wreckage released by the RSF did not establish the drone’s type or when and where it had been brought down.

Regional government acknowledges military changes

In its first official response to the latest developments, the Blue Nile regional government issued a statement seeking to reassure residents, urging them to rely on official information and refrain from circulating unverified reports about the fall of towns or the collapse of military positions.

The government acknowledged military and security developments in parts of the region, saying military operations required troop movements and changes in deployment and territorial control.

It said it was monitoring the situation in coordination with military and security authorities and working to protect civilians and maintain essential services.

The statement did not specifically deny that RSF and SPLM-N forces had entered Maqja, nor did it clarify where army units had been deployed before the latest developments.

The Blue Nile region lies in southeastern Sudan, bordering Ethiopia and South Sudan. Al-Damazin hosts the headquarters of the Sudanese army’s Fourth Infantry Division.

The SPLM-N, led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, has long maintained positions in the southern part of the region, particularly near the borders with South Sudan and Ethiopia.

Arab World

Lebanon Fears New War as Hezbollah Retains Say Over Conflict

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, South Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency).
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, South Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency).
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Lebanon Fears New War as Hezbollah Retains Say Over Conflict

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, South Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency).
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, South Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency).

Lebanon faces mounting political and security uncertainty amid fears it could be drawn into a new regional war pitting the United States and Israel against Iran, with the government unable to guarantee that Hezbollah would stay out of the fighting.

The prospect has alarmed Lebanese citizens, who fear renewed destruction and displacement, as well as officials who have limited control over how events might unfold. President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam have repeatedly warned of the dangers posed by the absence of clear assurances about Hezbollah’s intentions.

Lebanese State Faces Dilemma Over Lack of Guarantees

Although the Lebanese government has taken unprecedented decisions aimed at placing authority over war and peace exclusively in its hands, with broad support from Western and Arab countries, a major source of uncertainty remains in its inability to guarantee that Hezbollah will comply with any state decision to keep Lebanon out of a regional confrontation.

Despite officials’ insistence that such decisions must rest solely with legitimate state institutions, Hezbollah’s continued control over its own military decisions and the close connection between its strategic calculations and developments in Iran leave the state facing a complex situation.

A ministerial source said domestic contacts have continued among the various parties but have yet to produce tangible results, apart from statements suggesting that Hezbollah would not enter any future conflict.

The source cautioned, however, that these assurances have not been accompanied by substantive evidence to justify confidence, making vigilance essential at this stage.

The source stressed that the Lebanese state is not weak and that its position remains firm, having adopted clear decisions in this regard. The problem, however, is that the party directly involved in decisions on war is neither cooperating with the state nor responding to its policies, acting instead according to calculations and priorities that differ from those of official institutions.

“The state does not want war or destruction, but the calculations of the other side — Hezbollah — are different,” the source said.

Amid regional uncertainty following the Israeli and US elections, the source said the core problem also lies in the nature of Hezbollah’s relationship with Iran.

Tehran, the source explained, does not treat the Lebanese state as the official authority on this issue. Instead, it communicates with the group it supports, without offering clear guarantees that Hezbollah will stay out of any future confrontation.

The source also pointed to recent remarks attributed to Mojtaba Khamenei concerning the “unity of fronts,” describing them as a signal that cannot be ignored when assessing the possibilities ahead.

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam speaks in Aita al-Shaab during a previous visit to southern Lebanon. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Israeli Threats, US Warnings Heighten Concerns

Developments on the ground have done little to ease fears, with Israeli attacks continuing in southern Lebanon alongside repeated threats.

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz has threatened to expand military operations and target additional areas of Lebanon if Hezbollah joins any confrontation involving Iran, while Israeli media have discussed possible military scenarios extending beyond the area south of the Litani River.

Israel’s Maariv newspaper published information about possible plans involving an advance toward Tyre, Sidon and Nabatieh, as well as a naval blockade of the ports of Beirut and Tripoli should the conflict widen.

These remain scenarios reported in the media, with no official confirmation that they will be implemented.

The warnings are not limited to Israel.

The ministerial source reiterated that US Secretary of State Marco Rubio had conveyed clear warnings to President Joseph Aoun that Hezbollah’s involvement in any future war would invalidate previous guarantees, potentially exposing Lebanon to far-reaching consequences that could prove impossible to contain.

Regarding the suspension of Lebanese-Israeli talks, the source expressed hope that negotiations would resume and produce results.

The source added, however, that the suspension was not unexpected, as it had been clear for some time that the talks would not take place during the US and Israeli election periods.

Lebanon Faces a Serious Predicament

Dr. Rodrigue Abi Khalil, head of the Political Science Department at the Lebanese University, said the uncertainty confronting the Lebanese state stems fundamentally from its lack of the means to implement its commitments, despite the unprecedented decisions taken by the government to assert its authority and extend state sovereignty.

Abi Khalil told Asharq Al-Awsat that, despite their significance, these decisions run up against the reality that Hezbollah’s decisions remain tied to Iran, preventing the state from controlling the course of a confrontation or keeping Lebanon from being drawn into one.

“Government decisions, however important, are not sufficient for the international community unless they are translated into practical measures on the ground, particularly since Hezbollah will not relinquish this advantage without a political price,” he said.

Abi Khalil argued that Lebanon’s domestic political situation is closely linked to regional developments, leaving the country in a serious predicament as the region approaches a pivotal phase that could see war resume with greater intensity amid US and Israeli efforts to bring about strategic changes in the region.

He said this reality explains the Lebanese state’s uncertainty and apprehension, as a significant part of the decision affecting Lebanon’s fate depends on the outcome of the potential confrontation.

“This connection has been clearly reflected in the course of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations, which have yet to produce decisive results,” he added.

Abi Khalil concluded that “Lebanon is approaching the prospect of another confrontation without having adequately prepared for it, while the state waits to see what outside powers decide rather than controlling the course of events itself.”

Arab World

Iraqi Armed Factions Face Allegations of Seizing Commercial Contracts

Iraqi security forces stand guard as protesters holding a “Jihad Brigades” banner gather in Basra, Iraq, April 7, 2026. (Reuters)
Iraqi security forces stand guard as protesters holding a “Jihad Brigades” banner gather in Basra, Iraq, April 7, 2026. (Reuters)
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Iraqi Armed Factions Face Allegations of Seizing Commercial Contracts

Iraqi security forces stand guard as protesters holding a “Jihad Brigades” banner gather in Basra, Iraq, April 7, 2026. (Reuters)
Iraqi security forces stand guard as protesters holding a “Jihad Brigades” banner gather in Basra, Iraq, April 7, 2026. (Reuters)

Tensions between the Iraqi government and armed factions have deepened, with mounting accusations over the groups’ economic influence, property acquisitions and investment projects. This coincided with security and military operations aimed at curbing the activities of the groups that, according to government assessments, are not fully under state control.

The escalation followed questions raised by Kataib Hezbollah about oil sales to a regional company and whether members of the Coordination Framework approved of selling oil at discounted prices while sharing in the profits.

In response, pro-government media outlets published information about what they described as Kataib Hezbollah’s “investment network,” alleging that it operates with the help of traders and businessmen, involves property acquisitions and has developed into an investment venture.

The disclosures coincided with a coordinated social media campaign that began referring to Iran-allied “resistance” groups in Iraq as “contractors.”

The details of the property-related allegations and the identities of those benefiting from the alleged activities could not be independently verified.

Observers said the timing of the disclosures suggested that the dispute had expanded to economic interests, after previously focusing primarily on efforts to bring all weapons under state control. Negotiations on that issue have yet to produce tangible progress.

In an effort to curb corruption in military manufacturing contracts, particularly amid questions about their links to financial benefits, intermediaries and ties with armed factions, Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi ordered this week the cancellation of contracts with intermediary companies and directed that military manufacturing contracts be concluded directly with manufacturers.

The move followed reports linking companies involved in military manufacturing contracts to Kataib Hezbollah.

Tighter monitoring of armed factions

Meanwhile, security and military agencies have begun expanding their monitoring of armed groups affiliated with factions within the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), signaling an effort to impose stricter government oversight on movements that previously enjoyed considerable freedom within their areas of operation.

In one incident, a security force detained a group of members of an armed faction who were carrying 35 rockets while traveling toward the Babil province, according to information circulating about the incident.

The group’s movement raised questions about the shipment’s final destination, particularly because the province includes Jurf al-Sakhar, a major Kataib Hezbollah stronghold where armed factions wield extensive security and military influence.

A security source contacted by Asharq Al-Awsat declined to comment on the details of the incident.

However, the source did not deny that “such activities, regardless of the status of those carrying them out, including affiliation with the PMF, are now subject to monitoring and pursuit by the relevant authorities.”

Implementation test

The seizure of the rockets has brought the issue of placing weapons under state control back to the forefront as one of the government’s most significant challenges.

Political researcher Falah al-Mishal said bringing weapons under state control or securing their surrender was a priority in the government’s program.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that during a visit to Washington and a meeting with US President Donald Trump, al-Zaidi had made commitments regarding a deadline for surrendering weapons, initially set for the end of last September, before the government requested an extension until next June.

“This project, which the United States made a benchmark for the success of al-Zaidi’s government and a reason for supporting it, has encountered setbacks,” he remarked.

“To observers, it appears that the issue of disarming the factions has remained confined to media statements, with nothing achieved on the ground.”

He added that recent reports had described the destruction of weapons depots belonging to the PMF around Baghdad, alongside reports and leaks about weapons and experts from Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps entering the ranks of armed factions.

Al-Mishal said these developments had prompted the United States to warn against any easing of government pressure to eliminate weapons outside state control.

Ghalib al-Daami, a media professor at Mustansiriyah University, said Washington approaches Iraq based on strategic interests rather than political relationships or personal considerations.

He warned that failure to surrender weapons within the agreed deadline could prompt the United States to take economic and political measures against Iraq.

Al-Daami told Asharq Al-Awsat that broad sanctions or economic restrictions could worsen domestic conditions, warning that the continued presence of weapons outside state control increased the likelihood of clashes between rival groups.

He said Iraq could face two possible outcomes: either growing chaos, or the government’s success in asserting its authority by placing weapons exclusively under the control of state institutions.