No Temporary Shelters, No Air Raid Drills: As Iran Braces for War, its Citizens Are Kept in the Dark

Iranians walk in a road near a billboard depicting Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and late Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, at Valiasr Square in Tehran, Iran, 05 August 2024. EPA/ABEDIN TAHERKENAREH
Iranians walk in a road near a billboard depicting Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and late Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, at Valiasr Square in Tehran, Iran, 05 August 2024. EPA/ABEDIN TAHERKENAREH
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No Temporary Shelters, No Air Raid Drills: As Iran Braces for War, its Citizens Are Kept in the Dark

Iranians walk in a road near a billboard depicting Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and late Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, at Valiasr Square in Tehran, Iran, 05 August 2024. EPA/ABEDIN TAHERKENAREH
Iranians walk in a road near a billboard depicting Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and late Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, at Valiasr Square in Tehran, Iran, 05 August 2024. EPA/ABEDIN TAHERKENAREH

All government agencies and offices were closed Wednesday in Tehran, and in 13 provinces, including some along the western and eastern borders, hours for government offices were limited to 6 a.m. to 10 a.m, the New York Times reported.

Iran also issued a notice to civilian aviation, warning that “gunfire will take place” for several hours on Wednesday night and into Thursday over parts of the country, it said.

As Iran prepares to follow through on its vow to “severely punish” Israel over the assassination of the Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran last week, it is raising war jitters among the public. Yet there were few, if any, signs on the streets of Tehran and other cities that a conflict may be looming.

The government said that the shutdown on Wednesday occurred merely because of extreme heat and that the closings of airspace were for military exercises.

But the explanations belie the statements from officials that, as the acting foreign minister, Ali Bagheri, told state media on Tuesday, “Iran’s response will be definitive and severe.”

While the time and scope of Iran’s response remain unclear — whether it will act alone or in coordination with regional militias like Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen — the disconnect between the escalating rhetoric and the nonchalance about preparing the public is striking.

“We are in the dark, clinging to news programs on satellite television to figure out what is happening because our officials are not telling us anything,” said Maliheh, 66, a retiree in Tehran. Like others interviewed by telephone for the New York Times article, she asked that her surname be withheld for fear of retribution by the authorities.

The government has not issued any directives about what citizens should do if Israel responds with counterstrikes: no temporary shelters; no air raid drills; no warnings to stock up on emergency supplies; and no contingency plans for hospitals in the event of a strike.

“The answer is nothing, zero,” said Ehsan, a 41-year-old business owner in Tehran, when asked if he had heard of any public safety instructions. “The people are an afterthought in our country.”

On social media and in interviews in several cities, Iranians said they were anxious and confused, the New York Times reported.

“The situation is beyond our tolerance,” said Parisa, 37, an artist in Tehran. “Many people who never wanted to leave the country are now thinking about immigration. Everyone is sad, aggressive and worried.”

But some others questioned whether the war chatter was justified, doubting that an Israeli counterstrike to whatever Iran decides to do would disrupt daily routines or critical services such as electricity and water.

Mostafa, 36, a computer engineer in Rasht in northwest Iran, criticized the government’s support for militant groups in the region, saying it placed Iran in Israel’s crosshairs. Still, Mostafa said, he did not believe an all-out war was coming. “It will be a remote war and in the form of destroying specific targets,” he said. “So I am not that worried.”

Others said they were already emotionally exhausted from months of tumultuous events, each enough on its own to unnerve a nation, including a terrorist attack claimed by ISIS that killed over 200 people; exchanges of missile strikes with neighboring countries; nearly going to the brink of war with the United States and Israel; and the death of the president and foreign minister in a helicopter crash.

In the past week, the already battered currency plunged anew against the dollar while the stock market tumbled.

“We are just sick and tired of waking up every day to news that someone died, something blew up, the price of the dollar went up, and recently we have to worry about going to war every few months,” said Behdad, 39, of Tehran, who said his import-export business was suffering as a result.



Netanyahu Eyes Iran after Hamas, Hezbollah, Syria

FILE PHOTO: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a ceremony for military combat officers at an army base near Mitzpe Ramon, Israel, October 31, 2024. REUTERS/Amir Cohen/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a ceremony for military combat officers at an army base near Mitzpe Ramon, Israel, October 31, 2024. REUTERS/Amir Cohen/File Photo
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Netanyahu Eyes Iran after Hamas, Hezbollah, Syria

FILE PHOTO: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a ceremony for military combat officers at an army base near Mitzpe Ramon, Israel, October 31, 2024. REUTERS/Amir Cohen/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a ceremony for military combat officers at an army base near Mitzpe Ramon, Israel, October 31, 2024. REUTERS/Amir Cohen/File Photo

2025 will be a year of reckoning for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his country's arch foe Iran. The veteran Israeli leader is set to cement his strategic goals: tightening his military control over Gaza, thwarting Iran's nuclear ambitions and capitalizing on the dismantling of Tehran's allies -- Palestinian Hamas, Lebanon's Hezbollah and the removal of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad.
Assad's collapse, the elimination of the top leaders of Hamas and Hezbollah and the destruction of their military structure mark a succession of monumental wins for Netanyahu. Without Syria, the alliances Tehran has nurtured for decades have unraveled. As Iran's influence weakens, Israel is emerging as the dominant power in the region. Netanyahu is poised to zero in on Iran's nuclear ambitions and missile program, applying an unyielding focus to dismantling and neutralizing these strategic threats to Israel. Iran, Middle East observers say, faces a stark choice: Either continue its nuclear enrichment program or scale back its atomic activities and agree to negotiations.
"Iran is very vulnerable to an Israeli attack, particularly against its nuclear program," said Joost R. Hiltermann, Middle East and North Africa Program Director of the International Crisis Group. "I wouldn't be surprised if Israel did it, but that doesn't get rid of Iran.If they (Iranians) do not back down, Trump and Netanyahu might strike, as nothing now prevents them," said Palestinian analyst Ghassan al-Khatib, referring to President-elect Donald Trump.

Khatib argued that the Iranian leadership, having demonstrated pragmatism in the past, may be willing to compromise to avert a military confrontation. Trump, who withdrew from a 2015 agreement between Iran and six world powers aimed at curbing Tehran's nuclear goals, is likely to step up sanctions on Iran's oil industry, despite calls to return to negotiations from critics who see diplomacy as a more effective long-term policy.
DEFINING LEGACY Amid the turmoil of Iran and Gaza, Netanyahu's long-running corruption trial, which resumed in December, will also play a defining role in shaping his legacy. For the first time since the outbreak of the Gaza war in 2023, Netanyahu took the stand in proceedings that have bitterly divided Israelis.
With 2024 coming to an end, the Israeli prime minister will likely agree to sign a ceasefire accord with Hamas to halt the 14-month-old Gaza war and free Israeli hostages held in the enclave, according to sources close to the negotiations. But Gaza would stay under Israeli military control in the absence of a post-war US plan for Israel to cede power to the Palestinian Authority (PA), which Netanyahu rejects. Arab states have shown little inclination to press Israel to compromise or push the decaying PA to overhaul its leadership to take over.
"Israel will remain in Gaza militarily in the foreseeable future because any withdrawal carries the risk of Hamas reorganizing. Israel believes that the only way to maintain the military gains is to stay in Gaza," Khatib told Reuters.
For Netanyahu, such a result would mark a strategic victory, consolidating a status quo that aligns with his vision: Preventing Palestinian statehood while ensuring Israel's long-term control over Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem -- territories internationally recognized as integral to a future Palestinian state.
The Gaza war erupted when Hamas militants stormed into Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, killing 1,200 people and taking 250 hostages, according to Israeli tallies. Israel responded with an air and land offensive that has killed 45,000 people, health authorities there say, displaced 1.2 million and left much of the enclave in ruins.
While the ceasefire pact would bring an immediate end to the Gaza hostilities, it would not address the deeper, decades-old Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Arab and Western officials say.
On the ground, prospects for a Palestinian state, an option repeatedly ruled out by Netanyahu's government, have become increasingly unattainable, with Israeli settler leaders optimistic that Trump will align closely with their views.
A surge in settler violence and the increasing confidence of the settler movement - highway billboards in some West Bank areas bear the message in Arabic "No Future in Palestine" - reflect a growing squeeze on Palestinians.
Even if the Trump administration were to push for an end to the conflict, "any resolution would be on Israel’s terms," said Hiltermann of the Crisis Group.
"It's over when it comes to a Palestinian state, but the Palestinians are still there," he said. In Trump's previous term, Netanyahu secured several diplomatic wins, including the “Deal of the Century,” a US-backed peace plan which Trump floated in 2020 to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The plan, if implemented, marks a dramatic shift in US policy and international agreements by overtly aligning with Israel and deviating sharply from a long-standing land-for-peace framework that has historically guided negotiations.
It would allow Israel to annex vast stretches of land in the occupied West Bank, including Israeli settlements and the Jordan Valley. It would also recognize Jerusalem as the "undivided capital of Israel" - effectively denying Palestinian claims to East Jerusalem as their capital, a central aspiration in their statehood goals and in accordance with UN resolutions.
SYRIA AT CRITICAL CROSSROADS
Across the border from Israel, Syria stands at a critical juncture following the overthrow of Assad by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) forces, led by Ahmad al-Sharaa, better known as Abu Mohammed al-Golani.
Golani now faces the monumental task of consolidating control over a fractured Syria, where the military and police force have collapsed. HTS has to rebuild from scratch, securing borders and maintaining internal stability against threats from militants, remnants of the Assad regime, and other adversaries.
The greatest fear among Syrians and observers alike is whether HTS, once linked to al-Qaeda but now presenting itself as a Syrian nationalist force to gain legitimacy, reverts to a rigid Islamist ideology.
The group’s ability - or failure - to navigate this balance will shape the future of Syria, home to diverse communities of Sunnis, Shiites, Alawites, Kurds, Druze and Christians.
"If they succeed in that (Syrian nationalism) there's hope for Syria, but if they revert to their comfort zone of quite strongly ideologically-tainted Islamism, then it's going to be divisive in Syria," said Hiltermann.
"You could have chaos and a weak Syria for a long time, just like we saw in Libya and Iraq."