Israel Strikes Iran for Second Night, Trump Says It’s Not Too Late for Deal

Army air defense firing is seen following the Israeli strike in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
Army air defense firing is seen following the Israeli strike in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
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Israel Strikes Iran for Second Night, Trump Says It’s Not Too Late for Deal

Army air defense firing is seen following the Israeli strike in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
Army air defense firing is seen following the Israeli strike in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

Israel launched renewed attacks on Iran as evening fell on Friday, after its biggest ever attack against its longstanding foe blasted Iran's huge underground nuclear site at Natanz and wiped out its entire top echelon of military commanders. 

Iran said that in retaliation "the gates of hell will open", while Israel said the strikes were only the start of "Operation Rising Lion". US President Donald Trump said it was not too late for Tehran to halt the bombing campaign by reaching a deal on its nuclear program. 

As evening fell on Friday, Iranian media reported explosions on the northern and southern outskirts of Tehran and at Fordow, near the city of Qom, a second nuclear site which had been spared in the first wave of attacks. 

Air defenses were activated across Tehran and explosions could be heard in Isfahan. 

Israel's military said it was striking Iranian missile and drone launching sites, and had struck another nuclear site in Isfahan. 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the Israeli campaign was aimed at defeating an existential threat from Iran, invoking the failure to halt the Holocaust in World War Two. 

Israel's operation "will continue for as many days as it takes to remove this threat," he said in a TV address. "Generations from now, history will record our generation stood its ground, acted in time and secured our common future." 

Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei said Israel had "unleashed its wicked and bloody" hand and would suffer "a bitter fate". 

In a phone interview with Reuters, Trump said it was not clear if Iran's nuclear program had survived. He said nuclear talks between Tehran and the United States, scheduled for Sunday, were still on the agenda though he was not sure if they would take place. 

"We knew everything," Trump said of the Israeli attack plans. 

"I tried to save Iran humiliation and death. I tried to save them very hard because I would have loved to have seen a deal worked out," Trump said. "They can still work out a deal, however, it’s not too late." 

Earlier, Trump posted on Truth Social: "Iran must make a deal, before there is nothing left." 

Israel's National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi said military action by itself would not destroy Iran's nuclear program, but could "create the conditions for a long-term deal, led by the United States" to get rid of it. 

DECAPITATION 

Two regional sources said at least 20 Iranian military commanders were killed, a stunning decapitation reminiscent of Israeli attacks that swiftly wiped out the leadership of Lebanon's once-feared Hezbollah group last year. Iran also said six of its top nuclear scientists had been killed. 

Among the generals killed on Friday were the armed forces chief of staff, Major General Mohammad Bagheri, and the Revolutionary Guards chief, Hossein Salami. 

Major General Mohammad Pakpour, swiftly promoted to replace Salami as Guards commander, vowed retaliation in a letter to the Supreme Leader read out on state television: "The gates of hell will open to the child-killing regime." 

Iranians described an atmosphere of fear and anger, with some people rushing to change money and others seeking a way out of the country to safety. 

"People on my street rushed out of their homes in panic, we were all terrified," said Marziyeh, 39, who was awakened by a blast in Natanz. 

While some Iranians quietly hoped the attack would lead to changes in Iran's hardline clerical leadership, others vowed to rally behind the authorities. 

"I will fight and die for our right to a nuclear program. Israel and its ally America cannot take it away from us with these attacks," said Ali, a member of the pro-government Basij militia in Qom. 

Iranian media showed images of destroyed apartment blocks, and said nearly 80 civilians were killed in attacks that targeted nuclear scientists in their beds and wounded more than 300 people. 

Iran's ability to retaliate with weapons fired by its regional proxies has been sharply degraded over the past year, with the downfall of its ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria and the decimation of Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. 

Israel said a missile fired from Yemen - whose Houthi militia are one of the last remaining Iranian-aligned groups still able to fire at Israel - had landed in Hebron in the occupied West Bank. The Palestinian Red Crescent said three Palestinian children were wounded by shrapnel there. 

'COWARDLY' 

Israel said that Iran had launched around 100 drones towards Israeli territory on Friday, but Iran denied this and there were no reports of drones reaching Israeli targets. 

The United Nations Security Council was due to meet on Friday at Tehran's request. Iran said in a letter to the Council that it would respond decisively and proportionally to Israel's "unlawful" and "cowardly" acts. 

The price of crude leapt on fears of wider retaliatory attacks across a major oil-producing region, although there were no reports that oil production or storage was damaged. OPEC said the escalation did not justify any immediate changes to oil supply. 

An Israeli security source said Mossad commandos had been operating deep inside the country before the attack, and the Israeli spy agency and military had mounted a series of covert operations against Iran's strategic missile array. 

Israel also established an attack-drone base near Tehran, the source added. The military said it had bombarded Iran's air defenses, destroying "dozens of radars and surface-to-air missile launchers". 

Israeli officials said it may be some time before the extent of damage to the underground nuclear site at Natanz is clear, where Iran has refined uranium to levels Western countries have long said are suitable for a bomb rather than civilian use. 

Iran has long insisted its nuclear program is for civilian purposes only. The UN nuclear watchdog concluded this week that it was in violation of its obligations under the global non-proliferation treaty. 

Tehran had been engaged in talks with the Trump administration on a deal to curb its nuclear program to replace one that Trump abandoned in 2018. Tehran had rejected the last US offer. 



Behind The Scenes: US-Israeli Military Decisions Shaping Iran's War

US CENTCOM chief Adm. Brad Cooper meets Israeli Army Chief of Staff Lt-Gen. Eyal Zamir during his visit to Israel (Israeli Army)
US CENTCOM chief Adm. Brad Cooper meets Israeli Army Chief of Staff Lt-Gen. Eyal Zamir during his visit to Israel (Israeli Army)
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Behind The Scenes: US-Israeli Military Decisions Shaping Iran's War

US CENTCOM chief Adm. Brad Cooper meets Israeli Army Chief of Staff Lt-Gen. Eyal Zamir during his visit to Israel (Israeli Army)
US CENTCOM chief Adm. Brad Cooper meets Israeli Army Chief of Staff Lt-Gen. Eyal Zamir during his visit to Israel (Israeli Army)

Although US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have made the ultimate war and ceasefire decisions regarding Iran, The Jerusalem Post revealed the details and extent to which Israeli Army Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, US Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Dan Caine, and CENTCOM Chief Admiral Brad Cooper have been the next most dominant figures.

In many ways, Zamir was key to convincing Caine and Cooper that such a war was feasible, such that they would support it, or at least not oppose it.

Caine was then critical in convincing Trump that such a war was viable, while precisely describing risks and second and third order considerations, even as the US chairman himself held doubts about significant aspects of the war, according to the Jerusalem Post.

Caine has also hovered over Trump's decisions to repeatedly announce unilateral ceasefires with Iran out of concern that any upping the ante on the military playing field could cost him in both American lives and politically.

When Netanyahu made an emergency flight to Washington to meet with Trump around 11:00 am on February 12 to try to convince him to go to war with Iran, as the US president had started to move away from that option, he presented a four-step plan.

The four steps were: First, assassinating Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and his top military and intelligence officials. Second, pounding Iran's ballistic missile and drone capabilities. Third, helping foment an uprising within Iran against the regime, and fourth, transforming the uprising, plus possibly a ground attack by the Kurds who straddle Iran and Iraq, into regime change.

None of the three high commanders really believed in steps three or four, but Zamir was willing to roll the dice to see what might come of it, the Jerusalem Post said. Caine and Cooper were ready to go in for the first two steps and hold their noses regarding efforts at steps three and four.

It was not a coincidence that Israel was assigned to bomb Iran's top leaders and thousands of Revolutionary Guard Corps and Basij command centers and locations, as well as Iranian military threat capabilities, while US forces stayed more focused almost exclusively on Iranian capabilities.

Trump, to some extent under the influence of Caine (with Cooper supporting in the background), kept the US out of direct military involvement in regime change.

Sources have indicated to the Jerusalem Post that Israeli efforts to influence Trump and when and how to go to war have also heavily focused on Caine.

Zamir, Mossad Director David Barnea, and Israeli Army Intelligence Chief Maj. Gen. Shlomi Binder also visited Washington leading up to Netanyahu's February 12 White House sales pitch to make their case directly to a variety of officials, but collectively especially to Caine.
In some ways, Cooper was easier to convince than Caine, the report said.

This is partially true because Cooper did not try as much as his predecessor, Erik Kurilla, to influence the decision of whether to go to war or not, focusing more on being the architect of what the different options of going to war would look like.

Right Timing

Zamir was very successful in bringing on board Caine and Cooper, and then indirectly Trump, in the sense of convincing them that the timing was right.

The Post has learned that Zamir made a sophisticated and nuanced argument to Caine, Cooper, and others, which reached Trump.

The argument acknowledged that in theory Israel and the US could wait some period of months, as Iran had not yet crossed a redline threshold of a volume of ballistic missiles which the Israeli army would have trouble with. After all, Israel's original plan was not to attack Iran's ballistic missile program until sometime between June and November 2026.

However, Zamir said that Iran was racing forward too fast.

Iran was producing an additional 200-300 ballistic missiles per month. It had replaced about half of its lost missiles and half of its lost missile launchers in only eight months, getting back up to 2,500 missiles.

In Zamir's understanding, waiting another six months could mean an Iran with 3,700-4,300 missiles, and waiting another year could mean 4,900 to 6,100 missiles.

The report said it could also mean much more damage, could lead to Israeli difficulties with its volume of missile interceptors at a much earlier point, and collectively force Israel and the US to cut short their attacks on Iran's missile and other capabilities much earlier than what might make sense strategically.

Adding on that if Israel and the US wanted to take a real shot at regime change, that February was a unique moment to build on the January Iranian domestic protests, the Post understands that Zamir argued that February was a unique moment to go to war. This was true despite Israel's original plan for an attack in later 2026.

Two Main Failures

The report held Zamir, Caine and Cooper responsible for two main failures, the first being the inability to stop Iranian missiles.

It said only days into the war, Zamir, Caine, and CENTCOM were telling the public that missile fire was down 70-90%. The expectation was that within a week or two, it would be down to a drizzle. But while missile fire did drop to a medium level, the fading to a drizzle never happened.

None of the top Israeli or American officials anticipated how rapidly Iran would be able to unearth its underground missile launchers, which the allies had caused to be neutralized with cave-ins.

Pre-war estimates were that cave-ins would neutralize such missiles for the rest of the war, whereas in many cases, the Post has learned that Iran has developed bulldozer teams and techniques to uncover caved-in missile teams or silos within less than a day.

Also, Iran spread its surviving missile crews throughout its vast country, making it nearly impossible to track them down efficiently, and adjusted its missiles such that over 70% of them included cluster munitions, which the Israeli army was much less ready to defend against.

The second potential failure of Caine and Cooper relates to Hormuz.

The report found that neither Caine nor Cooper raised their voices loudly and decisively about the Hormuz nightmare scenario, again preferring to provide neutral advice to a US president, who clearly was out of his depth in aspects of this conflict.

The two of them could have seen this scenario coming, and so their choice, despite their heavy potential influence, to not raise the alarm loudly enough leaves them with some contributory fault in not better preparing Trump and the US.

The fact that the US needed to wait several weeks into the war before troops were in place to do something about Hormuz, if necessary, was a massive strategic miss.

In fact, the US could have even deployed forces into the Hormuz area the day the conflict started, as opposed to focusing on sinking large Iranian naval vessels first.

Overall, the report found that the military campaign pitched by Zamir and approved by Caine and Cooper succeeded more than might have been expected upfront, with notable exceptions regarding the continuity of medium-level ballistic missile threats and regarding Hormuz.

It said the military gains into long-standing strategic achievements is now more in the hands of the political and diplomatic leaders than the generals.


Hormuz Crisis Throws Spotlight on World's Largest 'Chokepoint' - the Malacca Strait

FILE PHOTO: A container ship enters the Singapore Strait for the Strait of Malacca, as tourists stand at mainland Asia's southern most point in Johor, Malaysia November 12, 2016. Picture taken November 12, 2016.  REUTERS/Henning Gloystein/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: A container ship enters the Singapore Strait for the Strait of Malacca, as tourists stand at mainland Asia's southern most point in Johor, Malaysia November 12, 2016. Picture taken November 12, 2016. REUTERS/Henning Gloystein/File Photo
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Hormuz Crisis Throws Spotlight on World's Largest 'Chokepoint' - the Malacca Strait

FILE PHOTO: A container ship enters the Singapore Strait for the Strait of Malacca, as tourists stand at mainland Asia's southern most point in Johor, Malaysia November 12, 2016. Picture taken November 12, 2016.  REUTERS/Henning Gloystein/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: A container ship enters the Singapore Strait for the Strait of Malacca, as tourists stand at mainland Asia's southern most point in Johor, Malaysia November 12, 2016. Picture taken November 12, 2016. REUTERS/Henning Gloystein/File Photo

The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has forced policymakers in Asia to face questions over the security of other maritime chokepoints, including the Strait of Malacca, which is the world's busiest waterway for international trade.

Importance of The Malacca Strait

The 900-km (550-mile) long Malacca Strait, bounded by Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore, provides the shortest sea route from East Asia to the Middle East and Europe, according to Reuters.

It carries nearly 22% of the world's maritime trade, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies. This includes oil and gas shipments from the Middle East to the energy-hungry economies of China, Japan and South Korea.

Malacca is the largest “oil transit chokepoint” in the world and the only one that outpaces Hormuz, according to the US Energy Information Administration.

In the first half of 2025, some 23.2 million barrels of oil per day were transported through the Malacca Strait, accounting for 29% of total maritime oil flows. The next largest chokepoint, Hormuz, saw about 20.9 million bpd pass through.

More than 102,500 ships, mostly commercial vessels, transited through the Malacca Strait in 2025, up from around 94,300 in 2024, data from Malaysia's ⁠Marine Department showed. These include most tankers, but some very large vessels avoid the strait because of draught restrictions and go south around Indonesia instead.

This route allows the Strait of Malacca to be bypassed if it were closed, but it adds to journey time that would delay shipments and drive up prices.

Concerns About Strait of Malacca

At its narrowest point in the Phillips Channel of the Singapore Strait, the Malacca Strait is only 1.7 miles (2.7 km) wide, creating a natural bottleneck, as well as potential for collisions, grounding, or oil spills.

Some parts of the strait are relatively shallow, with a depth of 25-27 meters restricting the largest vessels, but even very large crude carriers (VLCCs) measuring more than 350 meters long, 60 meters wide, and with a draft of more than 20 meters, make the transit.

For years, the strait has been a hotbed of piracy and attacks on merchant vessels. Last year saw criminal attacks spike to at least 104, but these have fallen off in the first quarter of this year, according to the ReCAAP ⁠Information Sharing Centre, an organization established by regional governments to combat piracy.

The narrow and congested waterway has been strategically important to Beijing, with around 75% of China's seaborne crude oil imports passing through it from the Middle East and Africa, data from tanker tracker Vortexa shows.

The Iran crisis has crystallized long-standing worries about how chokepoints such as Malacca could be affected if a conflict breaks out in the South China Sea or the Taiwan Strait, where another 21% of global maritime trade transits, according to CSIS.

Malaysian authorities say the Malacca Strait is also a growing spot for illegal ⁠ship-to-ship transfers, where oil is shifted between tankers at sea to obscure its origin.

Officials Assurances

Indonesian Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa made waves on Wednesday by openly musing about ways countries could impose tolls on ships as a way to monetize the strait, before noting that such an arrangement is not possible.

When asked about the risks of tolls or other restrictions on movement in ⁠the strait, Singapore Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan told CNBC that the nations along the strait share a strategic interest to keep it open, and have agreed not to collect tolls.

He also said Singapore had assured the United States and China that the right of passage was guaranteed for all and it would not participate in any efforts to ⁠block the strait or impose tolls.

Malaysian Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan told a forum on Wednesday that no unilateral decisions can be made about the strait and that Malaysia is on the same page with Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand, and they conduct joint patrols to ensure the waterway remains open.


A 60-Day Deadline Could Pressure Trump on Ending the Iran War

US Air Force personnel perform maintenance on bomber at UK's RAF Fairford (EPA)
US Air Force personnel perform maintenance on bomber at UK's RAF Fairford (EPA)
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A 60-Day Deadline Could Pressure Trump on Ending the Iran War

US Air Force personnel perform maintenance on bomber at UK's RAF Fairford (EPA)
US Air Force personnel perform maintenance on bomber at UK's RAF Fairford (EPA)

Washington - Robert Jimison

Over nearly eight weeks of war in Iran, Republicans in Congress have turned back repeated efforts by Democrats to halt the operation and force US President Donald Trump, who began the conflict without congressional authorization, to consult with lawmakers on the military campaign.

But some Republicans have signaled that a key statutory deadline in the coming weeks could be an inflection point when they will expect the president to either wind down the conflict or seek congressional approval to continue it.

Democrats have tried and failed several times to invoke a provision of the 1973 War Powers Resolution, a law aimed at curbing a president’s ability to wage war without congressional approval, to challenge the conflict in Iran.

The latest defeat came on Wednesday, when Senate Republicans blocked such a measure for the fifth time since the war began.

Yet the law also establishes a set of deadlines, the first of which is coming on May 1, that could increase the pressure on the Trump administration in the coming days. Here is what the law says about how long a president can continue to direct US forces in a conflict without congressional approval.

The 60-Day Mark

When the United States began joint strikes with the Israeli air force on Feb. 28, the president said he was acting under his authority as commander in chief to protect US bases in the Middle East, and to “advance vital United States national interests.”

He said the action was taken in “collective self-defense of our regional allies, including Israel.”

Many Democrats disputed that justification and have continued to argue that Trump acted illegally.

White House officials and most Republicans on Capitol Hill say he is operating within the bounds of the war powers statute, which sets a 60-day clock for a president to remove American forces from hostilities without congressional authorization to use military force.

Although the war began at the end of February, Trump formally notified Congress of the operation on March 2, starting the 60-day period that ends on May 1.

Some Republicans have already signaled they will not support any extension beyond 60 days.

Senator John Curtis, Republican of Utah, wrote in an opinion essay earlier this month that he “will not support ongoing military action beyond a 60-day window without congressional approval.”

Other Republicans, including Representative Brian Mast of Florida, who chairs the Foreign Affairs Committee, warned that the president could lose significant support if the conflict continued into May.

Moments after Republicans just barely blocked a war powers resolution in the House last week, Mast said there could be “a different vote count after 60 days,” alluding to the May 1 deadline.

A 30-Day Extension

Under the statute, once the initial 60-day deadline passes, the president’s options for continuing a military campaign without congressional approval become limited.

At that point, Trump would effectively have three choices: seek congressional authorization to continue the campaign, begin winding down US involvement or give himself an extension.

The law allows a one-time, 30-day extension of the deployment if the president certifies in writing that additional time is necessary to facilitate the safe withdrawal of US forces, but it does not grant authority to continue waging an offensive campaign.

Congress Can Authorize the War

Lawmakers also have the option at any time of granting explicit permission for Trump to continue the operation by passing an authorization for the use of military force.

Such measures have become the primary way Congress approves military campaigns short of a formal declaration of war, something that has not been done since World War II.

While Republicans have largely united in blocking Democrats’ attempts to halt the war, it is unclear whether the same unity exists when it comes to affirmatively authorizing the conflict.

Senator Lisa Murkowski, Republican of Alaska, has said she is working with a group of senators on a formal authorization for the use of military force against Iran, but has yet to introduce the resolution.

Congress has not voted in favor of using military force since 2002, when lawmakers authorized it against Iraq.

Murkowski was an early critic of the administration’s lack of transparency around the objectives, costs and timeline for the war, and said that her goal with an authorization vote would be to reassert congressional authority and require the administration to be held to firm parameters for the operation.

Why Trump Might Ignore the Deadlines

Administrations led by presidents of both parties have long argued that the Constitution gives broad authority to the commander in chief, meaning that the limits the war powers law places on the president are unconstitutional.

In 2011, President Barack Obama continued a military engagement in Libya beyond the 60-day mark, arguing that the law did not apply because “US operations do not involve sustained fighting or active exchanges of fire with hostile forces, nor do they involve US ground troops.”

Though that prompted bipartisan backlash at the time, some lawmakers anticipate that the Trump administration could make a similar argument about Iran.

During his first term, Trump similarly balked at the law in 2019 when he vetoed a bipartisan resolution both chambers had passed that sought to end American military involvement in Yemen’s civil war. He argued then that the measure was an “unnecessary, dangerous attempt to weaken my constitutional authorities.”

Still, ignoring the deadline could pose a political problem for Republicans, which so far has given the administration broad latitude to carry out the war without congressional involvement, including any formal oversight.

“Many Republicans are on record having set the 60-day mark as somehow legally important,” said Senator Chris Murphy of Connecticut, who has been among the Democrats offering resolutions aimed at limiting the president’s ability to continue the war without congressional authorization. “So I do think it will be harder for Republicans to continue to look the other way once we are out of the 60 days.”

The New York Times