Arman to Asharq Al-Awsat: Burhan Represents the Army, Not Sudan

Leading member of Sudan’s Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) Yasir Arman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Leading member of Sudan’s Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) Yasir Arman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Arman to Asharq Al-Awsat: Burhan Represents the Army, Not Sudan

Leading member of Sudan’s Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) Yasir Arman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Leading member of Sudan’s Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) Yasir Arman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Leading member of Sudan’s Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) Yasir Arman warned that the war between the army and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) will go one for a long time, remarking that neither party has managed to achieve a decisive victory after six months of fighting.

In an interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, he also warned that the conflict was still restricted to these two parties but could grow to become a civil war between various segments of society.

This demands the formation of a broad civilian front of national powers that can stop the conflict from growing, suggested Arman, who is also head of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), a main faction of the FFC.

On army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, he noted that he was incapable of uniting the military behind a peace agenda, so he sought a conflict – which the Islamists are behind – to destroy the December 2019 revolution.

He explained that the army resorted to war after it had failed in its coup against the revolt in October 2021.

Moreover, Arman said: “This war is an opportunity for the isolated National Congress and Islamists to return to power.”

He added that they were keen on making the RSF their junior partner, so they won’t be opposed to reaching an agreement with them according to certain conditions.

‘War of wars’

Arman said the current war is different than the ones that erupted in Sudan after its independence. This is a “war of wars,” he remarked, explaining that it is a culmination of the failure of the national project that took shape when Omar al-Bashir, backed by Islamists, seized power in 1989.

They usurped the state, politicized the armed forces and couldn’t maintain one state institution, he lamented.

The army, for its part, resorted to forming smaller armies that could eliminate armed resistance groups so that it could maintain its grip on power, he went on to say.

The current war has destroyed the old version of the Sudanese state and has deeply harmed civilians and state infrastructure. The war will go on for decades, he said, adding that the state is on the verge of collapse.

Moreover, Arman denied claims that the FFC was the political wing of the RSF.

These are claims made by the Islamists who want to destroy the political and civilian society movement, he continued. They believed that the current war could be decided in their favor within three days, but they failed.

Burhan doesn’t represent Sudan

Commenting on Burhan’s speech before the 78th session of the United Nations General Assembly last week, Arman said Burhan represents the armed forces, not Sudan, since he carried out a military coup against the civilian democratic rule.

During his foreign trip, Burhan didn’t offer any practical solutions or proposals to end the conflict, he remarked. All he did was discuss the possibility of prolonging the “reckless” war.

Meanwhile, RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, has offered a clear vision of how to end the war and has made clear commitments to the people.

Arman added that Burhan and Hemedti have announced that they were ready to end the war and commit to the Jeddah platform. “We demand that they sign a long-term ceasefire agreement, open safe passages for the delivery of humanitarian aid and cease violations,” he added.

They must also join hands with civilians who want to achieve change and address the roots of the crisis, he said. They must build a professional army that is far removed from the current armed forces.

Remnants of ousted regime

Arman noted, however, that the remnants of the ousted Bashir regime are the ones who are really controlling this war.

They are behind the mobilization of civilians to take part in the fighting and even attacking Burhan himself, he charged.

They had warned him against heading to Jeddah to sign a ceasefire deal and have instead encouraged him to continue the war, Arman said.

He described the Jeddah mediation, led by Saudi Arabia and the United States, as “the most important attempt to end the war, but it stumbled at the lack of political will to really end it.”

The platform needs to incorporate the initiatives of the African Union and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). New forces should join the efforts, such as the European Union, Troika and Arab and African nations, to create a new drive for peace, he went on to say.

“The greatest obstacle, however, are the delusions of the Islamists who believe that they will be victorious in this war,” Arman told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“They want to prolong the war to replicate the scenario in Syria in Sudan,” he warned. They ultimately want the international community to recognize them.

Political will

An opportunity is at hand to stop the war and seek a new national project where Sudan is the winner, not any party against the other, he stressed.

“No progress can be made without the parties displaying a political will to end the war,” he stated.

Moreover, initiatives need pressure from regional and international powers so that they can be implemented.

“Yes, the current efforts include important countries, but without coordination and collective work, they won’t be able to influence the parties” on the ground, he noted, underlining the importance of pressure from the EU and UN in making an impact.

Other obstacles include a clash in regional and international interests and failure to effectively bring in civilians to the peace process.

Arman said all initiatives should be combined at one platform – Jeddah – to create a cohesive vision and for the civilians to be an active player in the process.

The international community must also take real resolutions against everyone prolonging the conflict, he urged.

The real pressure must also come from the Sudanese people themselves, he added. The political movement that was forced to flee Khartoum needs time to regroup and refocus its agenda.

No one in Sudan wants foreign intervention to end the war, he said.



Khaddam Recounts Final Damascus Meeting… Bashar to Hariri: ‘Whoever Defies Me, I Will Break His Bones’

Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)
Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)
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Khaddam Recounts Final Damascus Meeting… Bashar to Hariri: ‘Whoever Defies Me, I Will Break His Bones’

Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)
Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam (Reuters)

Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam reveals new details in his memoirs about a meeting between former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in Damascus in the summer of 2004, describing it as the harshest encounter in the period leading up to Hariri’s assassination.

The memoirs, edited and introduced by Ibrahim Hamidi, are due to be published in early September by Raff Publishing, a subsidiary of the Saudi Research and Media Group (SRMG).

The book cover

According to the memoirs, Assad summoned Hariri in July for a meeting at 7:30 a.m. attended by Maj. Gen. Ghazi Kanaan, Brig. Gen. Rustom Ghazaleh and Col. Mohammed Khallouf. Assad’s harsh words caused Hariri’s blood pressure to rise and his nose to bleed.

The memoirs trace the roots of the crisis to the 1998 election of Lebanese army commander Gen. Emile Lahoud as president. Khaddam recounts that Bashar al-Assad pushed for Lahoud to succeed President Elias Hrawi, persuading his father, President Hafez al-Assad, to back the army commander despite objections from most Lebanese leaders close to Damascus, including Walid Jumblatt, Nabih Berri and Hariri. Khaddam also says Ghazi Kanaan pressured Lebanese lawmakers to support Lahoud.

Khaddam says he subsequently asked Hafez al-Assad to relieve him of responsibility for the Lebanon portfolio because his opposition to Lahoud was well known. The file then passed to Bashar al-Assad.

“Thus ended the political management of this complicated file, and it fell into the hands of the Syrian security services,” Khaddam writes.

Later that same morning, Khaddam says he was scheduled to meet Assad and found him “agitated and tense.” Assad recounted his meeting with Hariri directly to him.

“Rafik Hariri was here, and I spoke to him clearly and frankly in the presence of the officers,” Khaddam quotes Assad as saying. “I told him he was not allowed to work to bring in a president other than Emile Lahoud. I am the one who chooses who governs Lebanon, and whoever defies me, I will break his bones.”

From right: Fares Boueiz, Rafik Hariri, Farouk al-Sharaa, Elias Hrawi, Abdel Halim Khaddam, and Ghazi Kanaan during a meeting at Baabda Palace (Getty)

Khaddam says he was stunned by the remarks and challenged Assad: “You are speaking to the prime minister of Lebanon, who represents the Sunni Muslims in his country. Have you considered the repercussions if your words reach the media? How can you address Lebanon’s prime minister this way in the presence of these officers?”

According to Khaddam’s account, Assad then calmed down and asked his vice president to invite Hariri to meet him in an effort to “erase the consequences” of the encounter.

The memoirs say Hariri initially refused, telling Khaddam by telephone: “After my last visit, I will not visit Damascus.”

He later agreed to meet Khaddam in Bloudan, northwest of Damascus, where he appeared “hurt.”

“I will never forget my meeting with Bashar al-Assad as long as I live,” Hariri told him.

Bashar al-Assad meeting with Emile Lahoud, Nabih Berri, and Rafik Hariri (Getty)

The memoirs go on to recount the dispute over extending Lahoud’s presidential term. On Aug. 18, 2004, Khaddam says Assad told him he had decided against an extension.

“No one in the world supports Lahoud. The Arab states do not support him, and the majority of Lebanese oppose him,” Assad is quoted as saying, adding that he had been “firm” with the Lebanese president.

Just three days later, however, while Khaddam was in France, Hariri called to tell him that Assad had changed his mind and summoned him to Damascus for a brief and tense meeting.

“You have to decide where you stand. Are you with Syria or against it?” Assad told Hariri, according to Khaddam’s account of what Hariri later told him.

Khaddam writes that Hariri told him Jumblatt had advised him to accept the extension and then resign. Khaddam himself advised Hariri to agree to the extension, leave Lebanon and announce his resignation from abroad.

Hariri subsequently informed Rustom Ghazaleh that he accepted the extension and traveled to Sardinia to join his family. Days later, Khaddam says, Hariri called him and asked: “If I return to Lebanon, will my life be in danger?”

Khaddam reassured him that he had agreed to everything demanded of him and that Assad “still needs him because the constitutional amendment has not yet been completed.”

The memoirs also recount a last-minute attempt, through Spanish mediation, to avert a UN Security Council meeting. After five hours of contacts, Washington, Paris and London agreed to cancel the session in return for a Syrian commitment to abandon the extension.

But Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk al-Sharaa told his Spanish counterpart: “Lebanon is an independent state and we have nothing to do with the matter.”

Hafez al-Assad and to his left, Abdul Halim Khaddam in 1999 (Getty)

The Security Council met the following day and adopted Resolution 1559, which called for respect for Lebanon’s sovereignty and political independence, the withdrawal of remaining foreign forces and a presidential election free from foreign interference.

The memoirs characterize the resolution as having been adopted under Chapter VII and as placing the Syrian regime under Security Council scrutiny.

Khaddam’s testimony carries particular significance because of his position at the heart of Syria’s governance of Lebanon. For decades, he was the Syrian official responsible for the Lebanon portfolio before, as he recounts, responsibility passed to Bashar al-Assad and the Syrian security services.

In his account, a single threat uttered during a deeply personal confrontation becomes a key to understanding a period that culminated in a complete breakdown between Damascus and broad segments of Lebanese society.

The full account of the meeting, as well as the events preceding and following it, appears in the book’s chapter titled “The Assassination of Rafik Hariri.”


Lebanon Hands Assad-era General to Syria in 1st Such Transfer Since Assad’s Fall

Former Syrian Major General Adel Issa. Photo: Syria’s interior ministry
Former Syrian Major General Adel Issa. Photo: Syria’s interior ministry
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Lebanon Hands Assad-era General to Syria in 1st Such Transfer Since Assad’s Fall

Former Syrian Major General Adel Issa. Photo: Syria’s interior ministry
Former Syrian Major General Adel Issa. Photo: Syria’s interior ministry

Lebanese authorities handed a former senior Syrian army officer to Damascus on Wednesday to face charges including murder and torture, Syria’s interior ministry said, marking the first handover of an Assad-era military officer by Lebanon since former President Bashar al-Assad was toppled in 2024.

Major General Adel Issa, a former commander of the Syrian army’s 17th Division and later ground forces in the eastern province of Deir Ezzor, was transferred to Syrian custody after Lebanese authorities detained him earlier this month.

The ministry said Issa was wanted under an arrest warrant on charges including intentional homicide, facilitating a felony, killing more than two people, torture leading to death, and crimes aimed ⁠at inciting civil war ⁠and sectarian strife.

His case is now before a Damascus referral judge before it can be sent to a criminal court for trial, the ministry added.

Issa denied the accusations while held in Lebanon, according to two people familiar with his arrest and extradition.

The transfer could set a precedent for scores of former Syrian security and military officials ⁠believed to have fled across the border after fighters led by now President Ahmed al-Sharaa ousted Assad in December 2024.

Issa, 67, was detained on August 8 after going to the Syrian embassy in Beirut to complete paperwork. Embassy officials alerted Lebanon’s prosecutor’s office that he was wanted in Syria, and Lebanese investigators took him into custody, the people said.

His transfer follows months of pressure by Damascus on Beirut to act against former Assad officers who sought refuge in Lebanon after his government collapsed.

Reuters reported in January that Syrian authorities had given Lebanese security officials ⁠a list ⁠of more than 200 former senior officers wanted by Damascus. A senior Syrian security official had travelled to Beirut in December to discuss their whereabouts, legal status and possible prosecution or extradition.


Sudan: More Than 200,000 People Displaced Since Eruption of Blue Nile Fighting

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Barham Salih meets Sudanese refugees in Ethiopia's Ura camp. AFP
UN High Commissioner for Refugees Barham Salih meets Sudanese refugees in Ethiopia's Ura camp. AFP
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Sudan: More Than 200,000 People Displaced Since Eruption of Blue Nile Fighting

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Barham Salih meets Sudanese refugees in Ethiopia's Ura camp. AFP
UN High Commissioner for Refugees Barham Salih meets Sudanese refugees in Ethiopia's Ura camp. AFP

A Sudanese government official has confirmed that more than 200,000 people have been displaced from the cities of Kurmuk and Qeisan, as well as other areas in the Blue Nile state in southeastern Sudan, as a result of fighting between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Warnings have been issued about the worsening humanitarian and health conditions facing the displaced, amid heavy rainfall, shortages of food and shelter materials, and difficulties in delivering aid.

Last week, forces belonging to the Tasis (Foundation) alliance, led by the RSF, announced that they had taken control of the strategic cities of Kurmuk and Qeisan, located near the Ethiopian border.

This development triggered a large wave of displacement toward safer areas, particularly the cities of Damazin, the regional capital, and Roseires, the state's largest city.

Hashim Orta, Commissioner of Voluntary Return and Displaced Persons in the Blue Nile region, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the number of people displaced from Kurmuk, Qeisan, and other towns had exceeded 200,000 since the outbreak of hostilities.

He stressed that they are living under “extremely difficult humanitarian conditions.”

The Commission of Voluntary Return and Displaced Persons in the Blue Nile is a local government body responsible for monitoring the conditions of displaced persons and refugees, coordinating their return, and supporting their reintegration.

The origins of Sudan’s voluntary return mechanism date back to 2003, when a displacement and voluntary return unit was established under the Humanitarian Aid Commission.

Orta added that pregnant women and elderly men and women died while attempting to flee the fighting, enduring arduous displacement journeys that lasted several days. Many were forced to walk long distances through heavy rain and over difficult terrain.

According to Orta, displacement camps and reception centers around Damazin have received tens of thousands of civilians in recent days, most of them women and children. Their needs for food, drinking water, healthcare, and shelter materials continue to grow.

The total figure provided by the local official could not be independently verified.

The Commission of Voluntary Return and Displaced Persons is not affiliated with the United Nations, but it works in cooperation with UN agencies and international organizations, including the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), on issues related to displacement, return, and humanitarian assistance.

Fears of Disease Outbreaks

The local government official warned of increasing health risks within displacement sites, particularly during the rainy season. He expressed concern about the potential spread of malaria, dengue fever, and other seasonal diseases, amid overcrowded shelters and weak healthcare services.

He said local authorities were making efforts to provide food, water, and shelter materials, but the available resources were far from sufficient to meet the scale of needs and the growing numbers of people arriving each day.

“The need is immense compared to the numbers flowing into the camps,” he said, calling on local, regional, and international organizations to intervene urgently and provide humanitarian assistance to those affected.

The continuing fighting has further complicated the humanitarian response, as insecurity in several areas is preventing aid organizations and supplies from reaching residents and displaced people. At the same time, local authorities are facing mounting pressure to provide basic necessities for the large numbers of people fleeing the violence.

Displacement Journey Amid Heavy Rains

Eyewitnesses described harsh conditions faced by civilians traveling from conflict areas toward Damazin and Roseires. They said heavy rainfall had severely damaged dirt roads and made them difficult to cross, forcing some families to walk long distances under extremely challenging conditions.

The crisis is compounded by the geography of the Blue Nile region, where seasonal rains cause rivers and streams to swell and cut off a number of roads, making civilian movement and the delivery of humanitarian aid even more difficult.