Norwegian Refugee Council Urges Inclusion of Plight of Displaced Yemenis in Peace Talks

The majority of displacement camp residents in Yemen are women and children (Yemen's government-affiliated media)
The majority of displacement camp residents in Yemen are women and children (Yemen's government-affiliated media)
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Norwegian Refugee Council Urges Inclusion of Plight of Displaced Yemenis in Peace Talks

The majority of displacement camp residents in Yemen are women and children (Yemen's government-affiliated media)
The majority of displacement camp residents in Yemen are women and children (Yemen's government-affiliated media)

The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has urged the inclusion of the issue of three million displaced persons in Yemen in the upcoming peace talks, aiming for permanent solutions for their plight.

The Council warned that Yemen and humanitarian partners still have a long way to go to find genuine and lasting alternatives to displacement for the millions of people who have been forced to flee within the country.

It noted that a reduction in violence due to the UN-sponsored ceasefire since April 2022 has created a window of opportunity for diplomacy.

However, it indicated that the international community must find opportunities to secure durable solutions for the 4.5 million displaced persons.

The report described the situation in Yemen as "at a crossroads," noting that although the formal UN-brokered truce lapsed in October 2022, "truce-like conditions" have continued.

Fighting has diminished, there have been fewer civilian casualties, the conflict has been forcing fewer people to flee, and there is increasing international support for political negotiations toward peace.

However, it said that there is still a long way to go before finding genuine and lasting alternatives for millions of people who were forced to flee their areas of origin.

It pointed out that hopes for a new era of calm have grown, but the benefits of peace are only sometimes balanced.

The communities most severely affected by conflict are often left behind, and in Yemen, the conditions facing them remain grim.

- Need for concurrent support

The NRC asserted that the humanitarian community must do more to avoid a false sense of safety and opportunity among communities.

According to its assessment, the Council saw that despite the increased interest in returning home since the truce was enacted, the people attempting to do so remain a minority.

It indicated that the international community must develop a framework at the level of Yemen to track people who are trying to return, clear the areas of mines, and support the reconstruction of demolished homes.

It highlights the need for concurrent and coordinated humanitarian support and longer-term development and peace-building assistance, according to the Council.

Yemen does not have a systematic framework to track attempted returns, a lack of access to areas of origin, and limited funding. It restricts agencies' ability to assist IDPs who have tried to return.

As a result, humanitarian workers do not fully understand where displaced families are returning to or know about the conditions there.

Aid organizations must figure out how to harness this information to understand better where people are returning to, what their needs are, and what protection risks they face.

The Council said that the Yemeni government and Houthis should grant aid agencies full access to IDPs, host communities, and the areas of origin that people are returning to.

They should ensure that both aid responses and strategies for durable solutions are based on the expressed needs and intentions of the communities they are designed to support.

The Council called on the United Nations to develop a framework to track return processes and attempts and coordinate a clear understanding of not only displaced people's intentions but also whether lived experiences inform those intentions, that is, attempts to integrate with host communities, relocate or return to their areas of origin.

It asserted that the Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen (OSESGY) should do more to base peace talks on the lived experiences of conflict-affected communities, specifically those living in displacement.

It should be noted that a negotiated peace agreement or prolonged pause in conflict may have unintended negative consequences for displaced people.

It should mitigate and monitor those consequences and raise them with parties to the conflict.

The Office of the Special Adviser on Solutions to Internal Displacement should ensure there continues to be space for providing humanitarian assistance and protection to populations that need them.

It should support the government and engage development agencies in seeking durable solutions.

- Providing adequate financing

International non-governmental organizations in Yemen should embed a durable solutions lens in all programming.

They should take into account people's lived experiences and intentions and make sure aid meets their needs and aspirations.

The donor community should ensure funding enables aid agencies to continue to support displacement-affected communities but is also flexible enough to respond to displaced people's intentions and movements.

It should include flexible, multi-year funding streams that support nexus approaches.

According to the Council, humanitarian agencies must have sustained, principled access to the areas people are returning to, noting that without access, aid agencies cannot collect data or engage with communities.

Access is necessary for aid workers to develop and deliver accountable and appropriate responses that will lead to durable solutions.

The Norwegian Refugee Council confirmed that people are clearly expressing their increasing interest in returning due to the unprecedented six-month truce, which was a hugely significant step in Yemen's peace process.



Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
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Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 

Following a series of intensified Israeli airstrikes on Damascus and the airports in Homs and Hama, as well as a ground incursion into the city of Nawa near Daraa, Israeli officials on Thursday escalated their rhetoric, issuing fresh threats to the Syrian leadership and warning of further military action—this time citing concerns over Turkish military activity in the region.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced particular alarm over Türkiye’s growing role in Syria, Lebanon, and beyond. Speaking at a press conference in Paris, he said: “They are doing everything they can to turn Syria into a Turkish protectorate. That is clearly their intention.”

Defense Minister Israel Katz echoed this sentiment, stating that Israel “will not allow Damascus to become a security threat” to Israel.

Rising Concern Over Türkiye’s Military Footprint in Syria

Military officials in Tel Aviv confirm that Israel sees Türkiye’s growing military presence in Syria as a serious concern. Their fear stems from two key issues: first, Ankara’s reported efforts to rebuild the Syrian army along the lines of its own modernized military model; and second, its apparent goal of establishing a long-term military foothold inside Syrian territory.

Israeli defense sources point out that Türkiye’s armed forces operate based on a traditional ground warfare doctrine, featuring large-scale armored divisions and well-equipped infantry units—similar in style to the Russian military. This stands in contrast to the Israeli military, which relies heavily on air superiority and has long underinvested in ground forces.

Given this disparity, any significant Turkish deployment in Syria could pose a direct challenge to Israeli operations and raise the risk of confrontation.

While the recent Israeli airstrikes targeted mostly long-defunct Syrian military sites—many of which have been hit repeatedly over the years—the attacks signal a broader strategic shift.

In the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel, the Israeli military has moved away from a defensive posture of deterrence and containment. In its place, the army has embraced a more aggressive doctrine built around preemptive action.

This shift was further underscored by the appointment of a new chief of staff from the Armored Corps—the first in three decades—signaling a renewed emphasis on ground operations and offensive initiatives.

Not Just a Message to Türkiye

Despite the messaging around Türkiye’s presence, analysts say the recent wave of Israeli military action also serves broader geopolitical aims.

After failing to persuade Washington to pressure Ankara to scale back its involvement in Syria, Israel now appears determined to assert its own red lines militarily. The airstrike on the Scientific Studies and Research Center in Damascus—a facility already destroyed multiple times since 2018—was widely viewed as symbolic.

Israeli officials say the intended audience for that particular strike was Syrian interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, whom Israeli intelligence continues to refer to by his former nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. By launching the attack during the Eid al-Fitr holiday, Israel aimed to send a clear message: there will be no return to normalcy in Syria without accounting for Israeli interests.

Among those interests is normalization. Last month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated his desire to see Syria and Lebanon join the Abraham Accords and establish formal diplomatic ties with Israel.

Hardline figures within Netanyahu’s coalition believe Israel currently holds a strategic upper hand. As right-wing think tank head Meir Ben-Shabbat recently wrote: “Israel is in its strongest position ever. It is transforming the Middle East, expanding its military capabilities, and pushing back the Iranian axis—while Syria is at its weakest.”

For many in Israel’s ruling right, this is an ideal moment to push for a peace agreement with Syria, possibly even one involving Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Golan Heights.

The Real Audience: Domestic Israel

Still, perhaps the most significant message behind the military campaign is directed not at Ankara, Damascus, or even Tehran—but at Tel Aviv.

As protests against Netanyahu’s leadership have grown louder in recent months, military escalation has served as a convenient political shield. The wars in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, and Lebanon dominate public attention and have largely sidelined anti-government demonstrations.

“Netanyahu’s government must go, but we won’t take to the streets while our sons are fighting,” has become a common refrain among many Israelis who oppose his leadership but remain reluctant to protest during wartime.

By maintaining a state of conflict, Netanyahu is not only securing his coalition’s survival but also enabling his allies to advance a hardline agenda—particularly on the Palestinian issue—that would have faced greater resistance in peacetime.

Critics warn that this strategy, while politically expedient, comes at a steep cost to Israel’s democratic institutions, its judiciary, and the long-term stability of the region.