Israeli Army Accepts Limited Results of Gaza War but Extremists Refuse

Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
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Israeli Army Accepts Limited Results of Gaza War but Extremists Refuse

Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)
Two Israeli soldiers inside Gaza (AFP)

A large part of the Israeli political and military leadership began to realize that the goals set for the war in Gaza were unrealistic and inapplicable and are open to "getting out of the war with limited results," according to political and security sources in Tel Aviv.
However, the far-right members of the army reject a ceasefire and aspire to seize the historic opportunity to liquidate the Palestinian cause.
The sources said that Israel is witnessing a severe, unprecedented situation of unprofessional influences on the army.
On the one hand, army leaders are convinced of the necessity of making a turn in the war, a desire they share with the US administration and the generals in the government's war cabinet. On the other hand, the right-wing government is pressuring them through various means, forcing them to make unprofessional decisions that would cost a heavy price.
The army requested an extraordinary increase to the 2024 budget, which was scheduled before the war to amount to 68 billion shekels, but the government said it would only increase it to 85 billion shekels.
The cabinet informed the army that it would establish an external committee to examine its needs, meaning the government was taking its time.
The deteriorating security situation is a pressure tool the army uses to obtain a budget increase.
If the army believes it should stop the war in Gaza, the government's action is to keep the war going until it decides the budget.
On Friday, Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper published a report revealing that the commander of the forces in Gaza, Brigadier General Barak Hiram, ordered a system similar to the "Hannibal Directive.
The procedure is an Israeli military protocol that stipulates the use of maximum force to prevent the capture of soldiers at all costs, even at the cost of the death of the soldier.
Hiram ordered his officers to fire on all cars transporting prisoners to Gaza. This led to considering dismissing him or replacing him with another commander when Israel declared war, but the army did not do so.
Hiram is a settler in the West Bank, and the army feared a political attack on him from the far right.
Nahum Barnea, a political analyst in Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, wondered how Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers would bridge the gap between the irresponsible expectations they have set and the difficult decisions before them.
Barnea revealed a new proposal for hostage swap along with a three-month ceasefire agreement, with implementation to be gradual.
The agreement will include the release of all hostages, both alive and deceased, in stages, with the first stage being humanitarian, including the release of the sick, wounded, and elderly hostages as a top priority.
In return, thousands of Palestinian prisoners will be liberated, including prisoners with long sentences.
The demands include a significant increase in humanitarian aid provided to the Gaza Strip, the return of residents to the northern area of the Strip, the withdrawal of Israeli army forces, and the establishment of an internationally funded administration for the reconstruction of Gaza from its ruins.
It also includes Hamas's partnership in controlling the Gaza Strip in the future.
Barnea added that there are rumors denied by Doha, which state that the Qatari proposal includes the departure of the Hamas leadership from the Gaza Strip, including Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif.
It seems that Israel spread this rumor as a similarity to the departure of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), led by Yasser Arafat, from Beirut in 1982.
However, the journalist indicated that Gaza is not Beirut, and unlike Arafat, Sinwar is not looking for refuge in the diaspora but is preparing for victory celebrations in Gaza.
Barnea warned that conditions may change and negotiations may explode because there are those at the political and military levels who prefer to remove the issue of kidnapped persons from the agenda.
They claim the kidnapped persons are an obstacle and will hinder the forces in the field and strengthen Hamas' power.
Barnea confirms that the far-right representatives in the government believe the events of Oct. 7 were not a disaster but rather a historic opportunity for Israel to occupy all of Gaza and bring settlers.
In the worst-case scenario, no deal will be reached, and the Israeli army will remain stuck in Gaza without a plan, with nearly two million displaced people who have nowhere to go, said Barnea.
He indicated that the situation is dire with an exhausted US administration, kidnapped persons who will not survive, evacuated settlers who will not be able to return to their homes, an economy in crisis, a discredited budget, and a political establishment only concerned with itself.

 

 



Lebanese Army Awaits Political Decision to Implement UNSCR 1701

Soldiers from the Lebanese Army and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol near the southern village of Marjayoun (AFP).
Soldiers from the Lebanese Army and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol near the southern village of Marjayoun (AFP).
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Lebanese Army Awaits Political Decision to Implement UNSCR 1701

Soldiers from the Lebanese Army and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol near the southern village of Marjayoun (AFP).
Soldiers from the Lebanese Army and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol near the southern village of Marjayoun (AFP).

Discussions are underway on the role of the Lebanese army in maintaining security in South Lebanon amid rising optimism about a potential ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah and the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701

As part of these preparations, the Lebanese government has begun strengthening the army by recruiting 1,500 new soldiers out of the 6,000 needed, aligning with the outcomes of the Paris Conference held on October 23, which allocated 200 million euros to support the military institution, from a broader package intended to help the Lebanese people during the Israel-Hezbollah war.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, a security official highlighted that the army currently has 4,500 personnel stationed south of the Litani River but requires additional manpower.

The unidentified official noted, however, that any effective deployment would require a political decision and government support. “The Lebanese military will implement Resolution 1701 as is, with no intention of clashing with any party. However, if Israel violates Lebanese sovereignty, the army is fully prepared to respond,” he said.

Although Hezbollah opposes withdrawing from south of the Litani and handing over border security duties to the Lebanese military and UNIFIL, claiming the army lacks the capabilities to defend against Israeli aggression, the security source clarified that the military has been authorized to repel any attacks but will avoid initiating conflict. The army’s expanded deployment depends on a political decision, which, once made, will see the military act without hesitation to uphold Lebanese sovereignty.

While military preparedness is essential, Brigadier General Wehbeh Qatisha argues that Lebanon’s security requires more than just troops or advanced weaponry at the border. The presence of the Lebanese military as a representative of the Lebanese state is also a significant deterrent. He pointed out that prior to 1970, Israel refrained from attacking Lebanon, despite a much smaller army. However, he cautioned that even with a substantial deployment today, the persistence of Hezbollah’s military presence would continue to undermine Lebanon’s stability and security.

Since the 1969 Cairo Agreement, which allowed the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to launch operations against Israel from southern Lebanon, the Lebanese army has been restricted in its ability to enforce security along the border. After the PLO’s departure in 1982, Hezbollah took over military operations in the South. Even after the 2006 war and the adoption of Resolution 1701, which called for the Lebanese military and UNIFIL to secure the border, Hezbollah retained its armed presence and continued to conduct exercises simulating conflict with Israel. The latter violated the international resolution thousands of times, until the last war broke out against the background of turning southern Lebanon into a front supporting Gaza.

Qatisha emphasized that the path to stability lies in comprehensive implementation of international resolutions, particularly 1701 and 1559, and restricting arms to the Lebanese army. He argued that achieving balanced deterrence requires not only military force but also a commitment to diplomacy and international support.