Israel and Lebanon are Prepping for a War Neither Wants, But Many Fear It's Becoming Inevitable

Smoke billows over the southern Lebanese village of Odaisseh near the border with Israel on January 19, 2024, during Israeli bombardment as fighting continues between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas in Gaza. (Photo by RABIH DAHER / AFP)
Smoke billows over the southern Lebanese village of Odaisseh near the border with Israel on January 19, 2024, during Israeli bombardment as fighting continues between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas in Gaza. (Photo by RABIH DAHER / AFP)
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Israel and Lebanon are Prepping for a War Neither Wants, But Many Fear It's Becoming Inevitable

Smoke billows over the southern Lebanese village of Odaisseh near the border with Israel on January 19, 2024, during Israeli bombardment as fighting continues between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas in Gaza. (Photo by RABIH DAHER / AFP)
Smoke billows over the southern Lebanese village of Odaisseh near the border with Israel on January 19, 2024, during Israeli bombardment as fighting continues between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas in Gaza. (Photo by RABIH DAHER / AFP)

The prospect of a full-scale war between Israel and Lebanon’s Hezbollah militia terrifies people on both sides of the border, but some see it as an inevitable fallout from Israel’s ongoing war against Hamas in Gaza.
Such a war could be the most destructive either side has ever experienced.
Israel and Hezbollah each have lessons from their last war, in 2006, a monthlong conflict that ended in a draw. They've also had four months to prepare for another war, even as the US tries to prevent a widening of the conflict, The Associated Press said.
Here’s a look at each side's preparedness, how war might unfold and what's being done to prevent it.
WHAT HAPPENED IN 2006? The 2006 war, six years after Israeli forces withdrew from south Lebanon, erupted after Hezbollah captured two Israeli soldiers and killed several others in a cross-border raid.
Israel launched a full-scale air and ground offensive and imposed a blockade that aimed to free the hostages and destroy Hezbollah’s military capabilities — a mission that ultimately failed.
Israeli bombing leveled large swaths of south Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs. Hezbollah fired thousands of unguided rockets into northern Israel communities.
The conflict killed some 1,200 Lebanese, mostly civilians, and 160 Israelis, mostly soldiers.
A UN resolution ending the war called for withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon and a demilitarized zone on Lebanon's side of the border.
Despite the deployment of UN peacekeepers, Hezbollah continues to operate in the border area, while Lebanon says Israel regularly violates its airspace and continues to occupy pockets of Lebanese land.
HOW PROBABLE IS WAR? An Israel-Hezbollah war “would be a total disaster,” UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned last month, amid a flurry of shuttle diplomacy by the US and Europe.
Iran-backed Hezbollah seemed caught off-guard by Hamas' Oct. 7 attack on Israel, a regional ally. Since then, Hezbollah and Israel have exchanged daily cross-border strikes, escalating gradually. Israel also carried out targeted killings of Hezbollah and Hamas figures in Lebanon.
More than 200 people, mostly Hezbollah fighters but also more than 20 civilians, have been killed on Lebanon's side, and 18 on Israel's.
Tens of thousands have been displaced on both sides. There are no immediate prospects for their return.
Israeli political and military leaders have warned Hezbollah that war is increasingly probable unless the militants withdraw from the border.
Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah hasn't threatened to initiate war but warned of a fight “without limits'' if Israel does. Hezbollah says it won't agree to a ceasefire on the Israel-Lebanon border before there's one in Gaza and has rebuffed a US proposal to move its forces several kilometers (miles) back from the border, according to Lebanese officials.
Despite the rhetoric, neither side appears to want war, said Andrea Teneti, spokesman for the UN peacekeeping mission in south Lebanon. However, “a miscalculation could potentially trigger a wider conflict that would be very difficult to control," he said.
HOW PREPARED ARE THEY? Both Hezbollah and the Israeli military have expanded capabilities since 2006 — yet both countries also are more fragile.
In Lebanon, four years of economic crisis have crippled public institutions, including its army and electrical grid, and eroded its health system. The country hosts more than 1 million Syrian refugees.
Lebanon adopted an emergency plan for a war scenario in late October. It projected the forcible displacement of 1 million Lebanese for 45 days.
About 87,000 Lebanese are displaced from the border area. While the government is relying on international organizations to fund the response, many groups working in Lebanon can't maintain existing programs.
The UN refugee agency has provided supplies to collective shelters and given emergency cash to some 400 families in south Lebanon, spokesperson Lisa Abou Khaled said. The agency doesn't have funds to support large numbers of displaced in the event of war, she said.
Aid group Doctors Without Borders said it has stockpiled some 10 tons of medical supplies and backup fuel for hospital generators in areas most likely to be affected by a widening conflict, in anticipation of a blockade.
Israel is feeling economic and social strain from the war in Gaza, which is expected to cost over $50 billion, or about 10 percent of national economic activity through the end of 2024, according to the Bank of Israel. Costs would rise sharply if there's war with Lebanon.
“No one wants this war, or wishes it on anyone,” said Tal Beeri, of the Alma Research and Education Center, a think tank focusing on northern Israel security. But he said he believes an armed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah is inevitable, arguing that diplomatic solutions appear unlikely and would only allow Hezbollah's strategic threats to increase.
Israel has evacuated 60,000 residents from towns nearest the border, where there's no warning time for rocket launches because of the proximity of Hezbollah squads.
In a war, there would be no point in additional evacuations since the militia's rockets and missiles can reach all of Israel.
After the Oct. 7 attack, the war in Gaza had broad domestic support, even if there's now a growing debate over its direction. Around half of Israelis would support war with Hezbollah as a last resort for restoring border security, according to recent polling by the think tank Israel Democracy Institute.
In Lebanon, some have criticized Hezbollah for exposing the country to another potentially devastating war. Others support the group’s limited entry into the conflict and believe Hezbollah’s arsenal will deter Israel from escalating.
HOW WOULD WAR PLAY OUT? A full-scale war would likely spread to multiple fronts, escalating the involvement of Iranian proxies in Syria, Iraq and Yemen — and perhaps even draw in Iran itself.
It could also drag the US, Israel's closest ally, deeper into the conflict. The US already has dispatched additional warships to the region.
Hezbollah has 150,000 to 200,000 rockets and missiles of various ranges, said Orna Mizrahi of the Israeli think tank Institute for National Security Studies. This arsenal is at least five times larger than that of Hamas and far more accurate, she said.
The militia's guided projectiles could reach water, electricity or communications facilities, and densely populated residential areas.
In Lebanon, airstrikes would likely wreak havoc on infrastructure and potentially kill thousands. Netanyahu has threatened to “turn Beirut into Gaza,” where Israel’s air and ground incursion has caused widespread destruction and killed more than 26,000 people, according to Hamas-controlled Gaza's Health Ministry.
Israel is far more protected, with several air defense systems, including the Iron Dome, which intercepts rockets with a roughly 90% success rate. But it can get overwhelmed if a mass barrage of rockets is fired.
Some 40% of Israel's population live in newer homes with private safe rooms fortified with blast protection to withstand rocket attacks. Israel also has a network of bomb shelters, but a 2020 government report says about one-third of Israelis lack easy access to them.
Lebanon has no such network, and shelters would be of little use against massive “bunker buster” bombs Israel has dropped in Gaza.
Hezbollah has limited air defenses, while those of the Lebanese army are outdated and insufficient because of budget shortfalls, said Dina Arakji, with the UK-based risk consultancy firm Control Risks.
The Lebanese army has remained on the sidelines over the past four months. In 2006, it entered fighting in a limited capacity, but it's unclear how it would react in the event of a new Israel-Hezbollah war.



Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities
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Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Israel’s disclosure of a naval commando operation in the northern Lebanese town of Batroun has thrust back into focus a case that straddles security, political, and legal fault lines.

The announcement, accompanied by Israeli claims surrounding Imad Amhaz, comes at a delicate moment, coinciding with ceasefire arrangements, meetings of the monitoring mechanism committee, and ongoing efforts to resolve the files of detainees and missing persons.

The Israeli announcement and security narrative

Israeli army spokesman Avichay Adraee said Israeli forces carried out an operation around a year ago in Batroun, far from the Lebanese Israeli border, during which Imad Amhaz was transferred to Israel for interrogation.

According to the Israeli account, Amhaz is linked to Hezbollah’s secret maritime file and its coastal missile unit, received military training inside and outside Lebanon, and acquired maritime expertise related to operational missions.

Adraee said the interrogation of Amhaz enabled, according to his statement, the acquisition of information related to organized maritime activities run under a secret framework and using civilian fronts.

He said this information helped obstruct the progress of this file at what he described as a sensitive stage, adding that Iran provided support for these activities.

A broader political and security context

In an analytical reading, security and defense researcher Riad Kahwaji told Asharq Al-Awsat that the case of Imad Amhaz and the timing of its disclosure could not be separated from the broader political and security context, particularly the meeting of the ceasefire monitoring mechanism committee and the ongoing negotiations.

He said Israel was trying through this timing to justify its refusal to withdraw from five points by arguing that Hezbollah remained present and continued to conduct military activity.

Kahwaji said the Israeli messages also aimed to show that Hezbollah’s role was far greater than perceived inside Lebanon, arguing that the group was no longer merely a local organization but part of a broad regional project led by Iran.

He said the issue was not related to a trench or one or two military positions, but rather to an integrated structure that included maritime capabilities, infrastructure, and strategic preparations.

He added that Iran had invested tens of millions of dollars in this project, saying Israel was seeking to highlight the scale of military investment in a country whose population was suffering severe internal pressures.

Kahwaji said the file went beyond the area south of the Litani River, noting that the issue was not limited to that region but included the maritime dimension and other areas, particularly since Amhaz was in Batroun in northern Lebanon at the time of the operation.

He said Israel was speaking about tunnels, weapons depots, and equipment in an attempt to show a contradiction between what the Lebanese state declared regarding the disarmament track and what Israel considered a continuation of Hezbollah’s military activity and armament.

He said attempts to strip Imad Amhaz of his civilian status fell within this context, explaining that Israel had from the outset sought to present him as linked to what it called Hezbollah’s naval weapons.

He added that the Lebanese state, in contrast, said the core problem lay in Israel’s continued occupation of the five points, while Israel responded that the main reason was that Hezbollah had not stopped arming itself and that the threat remained.

The Lebanese position and legal dimension

For his part, Nabih Awada, a member of the committee representing detainees and former prisoners in Israeli jails, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the case of Imad Amhaz was, from a legal perspective, that of a civilian abducted from a Lebanese area far from the border. He said his detention did not fall under military arrest.

Awada said this also applied to other documented cases, stressing that the file was being followed up with official Lebanese authorities and with the International Committee of the Red Cross.

He said the Lebanese state was dealing with Imad Amhaz on the basis that he was a civilian and considered that the location of his detention, its circumstances, and its nature did not fall within any military engagement or combat activity. He said this description was what the state relied on in addressing the file before international bodies.

Presidential stance regarding the detainees

Awada said the full details of the file were raised during a meeting with the president of the republic, who he said was fully convinced that the priority of the current stage was the release of Lebanese detainees.

He said the president stressed the need to start at least with civilians detained after the war, given that hostilities had stopped and there was no longer any legal justification for holding them.

He said the president had acted on this basis by communicating with the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as international and US parties.

The Amhaz family’s stance

Alongside official positions, sources close to the family of Imad Amhaz told Asharq Al-Awsat they denied any knowledge of military activity attributed to him, saying Amhaz had been leading a normal civilian life and that the family had never been informed of any link between him and any military or security activity.

They said the information published did not reflect the family’s account.

Detainees and missing persons figures

On figures, Awada said the file submitted to the president included 20 Lebanese detainees whose presence in Israeli prisons had been confirmed, half of whom were arrested during the war and half afterward.

He said among those detained during the war were seven fighters and three civilians, including Imad Amhaz, who was considered a civilian.

Those detained after the ceasefire were all civilians, in addition to three people missing before the war and around 40 missing since it began.


Baghdad Pushes for Deeper Partnership with Washington against ISIS

Iraqi security says it carried out raid in Syria, arrested ISIS leaders (Government Media)
Iraqi security says it carried out raid in Syria, arrested ISIS leaders (Government Media)
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Baghdad Pushes for Deeper Partnership with Washington against ISIS

Iraqi security says it carried out raid in Syria, arrested ISIS leaders (Government Media)
Iraqi security says it carried out raid in Syria, arrested ISIS leaders (Government Media)

An Iraqi official said security cooperation with the United States is intensifying in the fight against terrorism, following a rare joint helicopter raid by Iraqi special forces inside Syrian territory.

An Iraqi intelligence unit, coordinating with Syrian security forces and the US-led international coalition, arrested two high value targets wanted by the Iraqi judiciary in a helicopter raid in northeastern Syria, according to a statement from the Security Media Cell.

A new phase

Hussein Allawi, adviser to the Iraqi prime minister, told Asharq Al-Awsat that Iraq is entering a new phase of strategic commitment to the Strategic Framework Agreement with the United States, which is moving toward broader political, economic, security and military dimensions, as well as technology transfer and infrastructure development.

He said recent operations in Syria and elsewhere reflect efforts to build a stronger partnership.

Allawi added that developing the relationship includes cooperation on building the capacities of the armed forces, sustaining counterterrorism efforts, enhancing cooperation to track and dry up financial assets, combating online propaganda by terrorist organizations including al-Qaeda and ISIS, and addressing the issue of al Hol camp.

He said both sides are serious about raising the level of security and intelligence cooperation in counterterrorism, in light of the completion of the first phase of ending the international coalition’s presence in Iraq under an agreement reached in September 2024, as well as targeting terrorist cells in Syria through cooperation between Iraq, the coalition and its member states.

The military operation came a day after the US Congress voted to repeal the authorization for the use of military force against Iraq. Iraq’s foreign ministry described the decision as historic and said it reinforces respect for sovereignty, while a government adviser said relations between the two countries have shifted from conflict to partnership.

State monopoly on arms

Politically, Ammar al-Hakim, leader of the National Wisdom Movement (Hikma) Movement, stressed that weapons should be held exclusively by the state, calling for an expedited formation of the Iraqi government.

In a speech on Friday, al-Hakim said weapons must be in the hands of the state in line with the constitution and the calls of the religious authority, so that the law stands above all by the will of Iraqis and their national political forces, not through external dictates.

In this context, Fahd al-Jabouri, a senior figure in the Hikma Movement, said the United States had raised concerns related to armed factions and individuals subject to sanctions or terrorism lists, and had conveyed these concerns clearly.

He said the Coordination Framework understood these messages and balanced them against the domestic reality, agreeing that some sovereign ministries would be assigned to figures not affiliated with any armed groups.

Al-Jabouri said dialogue is the best option and that the framework is always seeking to balance its external relations with internal requirements, correct misinformation reaching abroad, and strengthen the role of the state as the most powerful authority.

Kataib al-Imam Ali, a Shiite armed faction that recently won several seats in the new parliament, called for confining weapons to the state and strengthening the Popular Mobilization Forces.

In a statement, its secretary general Shibl al-Zaydi said ratifying the election results and the strong showing by factions aligned with the PMF placed these forces before an important national test.

He said the test lies in improving economic, security and service conditions, consolidating the authority and sovereignty of the state, and strictly confining weapons to the state in line with the constitution and the law, while reinforcing the Popular Mobilization Forces.

Diplomats and political observers say US pressure, particularly calls to limit weapons to the state, could complicate efforts to reach a settlement within the Coordination Framework over the next government lineup, as some forces remain committed to a political role for armed factions and their influence over the choice of prime minister.


Miami Talks Aim to Bridge Gaps in Gaza Deal’s Second Phase

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive food rations at a charity kitchen in Khan Younis, southern Gaza (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive food rations at a charity kitchen in Khan Younis, southern Gaza (AFP)
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Miami Talks Aim to Bridge Gaps in Gaza Deal’s Second Phase

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive food rations at a charity kitchen in Khan Younis, southern Gaza (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive food rations at a charity kitchen in Khan Younis, southern Gaza (AFP)

Mediators are convening for fresh talks in Miami, Florida, as efforts to advance the second phase of the Gaza ceasefire agreement remain stalled, months after the truce came into effect on Oct. 10.

The meeting, which mediators say will focus on outlining a framework for the next phase, comes amid attempts to narrow gaps over key issues, including how Israel’s withdrawal would be carried out, how stabilization forces would be deployed, and the question of Hamas’ disarmament.

An analyst said the momentum could translate into concrete steps as early as next month.

Miami is hosting a meeting between US President’s Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and senior officials from the mediating countries, Qatar, Egypt and Türkiye, aimed at pushing forward the second phase of the ceasefire agreement, a White House official told AFP on Thursday.

Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani said during a visit to Washington on Wednesday that preparations were under way for a mediators’ meeting on Friday to discuss a framework for advancing the second phase of the Gaza agreement.

Ahead of the Miami talks, Hamas political bureau member Bassem Naim said in remarks that Palestinians expected the talks to result in an agreement to halt all Israeli violations and breaches, and to compel Israel to comply with the provisions of the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement.

Palestinian political analyst Ayman Al-Raqab said the Miami meeting fell within efforts to bridge gaps related to the implementation of Israel’s withdrawal, the deployment of stabilization forces and Hamas’ disarmament. If the momentum continued, he said, concrete steps could be seen next month.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington’s approach at the Miami meeting should focus on implementing the agreement rather than rebuilding Rafah in a new form or dividing the Gaza Strip.

He said the gaps in the second phase were linked to Israel’s withdrawal, the deployment of stabilization forces and Hamas’ disarmament, adding that discussions should center on practical implementation solutions, not US proposals that serve Israeli ideas.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stressed on Friday, during talks with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov in Cairo, the need to implement UN Security Council Resolution 2803 on the Gaza agreement and to operate the Rafah crossing from both directions.

Lavrov said diplomatic efforts must continue to ensure the sustainability of the Gaza ceasefire.

Abdelatty also discussed the situation with Algerian Foreign Minister Ahmed Attaf in Cairo on Friday, reviewing ongoing Egyptian efforts to solidify and sustain the ceasefire and to implement the requirements of the second phase.

They stressed the need for unimpeded humanitarian aid access, preparing conditions for early recovery and reconstruction, and rejecting any measures that could undermine the unity of Palestinian territory or liquidate the Palestinian cause, according to a statement by Egypt’s Foreign Ministry.

The European Council welcomed, at the conclusion of a summit of leaders from the European Union’s 27 member states in Brussels, UN Security Council Resolution 2803, which calls for the establishment of a Board of Peace and a temporary international stabilization force as part of a plan to end the conflict in Gaza.

European leaders stressed the need to fully implement the resolution and ensure lasting security stability in Gaza, reiterating the EU’s commitment to a two-state solution and international law.

Al-Raqab said Egyptian efforts were banking on achieving a breakthrough alongside Qatar and Türkiye, reaching concrete mechanisms to implement the agreement amid European support for this path.

He added that any arrangements were awaiting a meeting between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump later this month, describing it as decisive.