Naim Qassem’s Speech Sought to Lift Morale, Indirectly Stop Tying Lebanon to Gaza Ceasefire

A person watches a speech by Sheikh Naim Qassem, deputy leader of Hezbollah, broadcasted on Hezbollah's al-Manar TV channel, on their mobile phone in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 October 2024. (EPA)
A person watches a speech by Sheikh Naim Qassem, deputy leader of Hezbollah, broadcasted on Hezbollah's al-Manar TV channel, on their mobile phone in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 October 2024. (EPA)
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Naim Qassem’s Speech Sought to Lift Morale, Indirectly Stop Tying Lebanon to Gaza Ceasefire

A person watches a speech by Sheikh Naim Qassem, deputy leader of Hezbollah, broadcasted on Hezbollah's al-Manar TV channel, on their mobile phone in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 October 2024. (EPA)
A person watches a speech by Sheikh Naim Qassem, deputy leader of Hezbollah, broadcasted on Hezbollah's al-Manar TV channel, on their mobile phone in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 October 2024. (EPA)

Hezbollah deputy chief Naim Qassem’s second speech since taking over as acting leader of the Iran-backed group was significant for attempting to lift the morale of fighters and pave the way for a ceasefire after he implicitly abandoned the “unity of arenas” which ties Hezbollah attacks against Israel to a ceasefire in Gaza.

Qassem is acting head of Hezbollah after the assassination of Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah in an Israeli strike in Beirut’s southern suburbs last month.

Moreover, Qassem implicitly handed over political decision making in Lebanon to Hezbollah ally and other half of the so-called “Shiite duo”, parliament Speaker Nabih Berri.

Qassem compared Berri to a “big brother” who cannot be ignored by anyone. He confirmed that Hezbollah supports Berri’s political efforts to reach a solution.

Qassem’s speech demonstrated that Hezbollah now prioritizes ending the war, while avoiding mentioning tying the fighting in Lebanon to Gaza.

Sami Nader, director of the Levant Institute for Strategic Affairs, said Qassem tried to show that Hezbollah and Berri’s Amal movement shared the same positions.

This is significant after the Iranian foreign minister’s visit to Beirut last week during which he continued to tie the Lebanese front to Gaza, effectively obstructing Berri’s ceasefire efforts, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Qassem attempted to remedy the situation by speaking at length about the relationship between Hezbollah and Berri, while focusing little on ties with Iran, he noted.

A positive takeaway from the speech was Qassem abandoning the “unity of arenas” between Lebanon and Gaza, Nader remarked. One negative was his tying of the election of a president to the end of the conflict, rather than the constitution.

Nader explained that Qassem was still holding on to the election of a president as a means to exert political pressure.

Qassem said there can be no discussions over any issue before a ceasefire is reached.

His statement dashed demands that Hezbollah would not tie the elections to a ceasefire. The US had called for the immediate election of a president.

Lebanon has been without a head of state since President Michel Aoun’s term ended in October 2022. Bickering between political blocs has thwarted the election of a successor.

Iran’s influence

Retired General Yaroub Sakr said Qassem tasked Berri with reaching a ceasefire but with conditions, such as ending the fighting, while ignoring the implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1701 and the election of the president.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, Sakr criticized Qassem for claiming that the war wasn’t about Iran’s influence, but about liberating Palestine.

“The reality is actually the opposite. Had the war been about the liberation of Palestine, everyone would have jumped aboard to support it. The truth is, however, that the goal is for Iran to become the main decision-maker in the Middle East as demonstrated in how Tehran did not join Hamas in the war that erupted on October 7, 2023,” Skar went on to say.

Furthermore, Qassem said Hezbollah’s military capabilities were still “good” and the party leadership continued to operate. Sakr noted that Qassem did not address the fate of the party’s presumed new leader, Hashem Safieddine, who Israel targeted in a strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs on Thursday.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced on Tuesday that Safieddine and his successors were killed in the attack.

Lifting morale

Qassem delivered his speech on the one-year anniversary of Hezbollah launching its “support front” with its Palestinian ally Hamas. The party started attacking Israel in solidarity with Hamas in Gaza.

It did not consult the government about carrying out the attacks, and last week, Israel intensified its strikes against the party, turning the border clashes into war against Lebanon.

Israel has mainly struck Hezbollah strongholds in the country’s south and east and Beirut’s southern suburbs, leading to the displacement of 1.2 million people.

The Israeli army has succeeded in assassinating Hezbollah top command, including longtime leader Nasrallah.

The heavy blows have left Hezbollah in disarray. Qassem attempted to deflect from the situation by assuring the party’s supporters that the “resistance is cohesive”.

To the displaced, he said: “You have seen our mighty achievements. We will persevere and be victorious. Your displacement is akin to the price that the resistance is paying.”

Sakr dismissed Qassem’s statements as “arrogance and detached from reality.”

“Qassem tried to lift the morale of its supporters which has taken a shock after the heavy blows Israel dealt to its political, command and military leaderships,” he noted.

Nasrallah’s assassination was the greatest shock and the party has yet to name a successor, he added.

Nader echoed Sakr’s remarks, saying Qassem tried to raise morale amid the unease among Hezbollah supporters.

He attempted to demonstrate that the party was still capable and ready for all blows despite Israel’s obvious military superiority.

Qassem also focused on Hezbollah’s military strength on the ground, something that Nasrallah had often spoken about, and this is indeed a position in the party’s favor against Israel, he noted.



As Flooding Becomes a Yearly Disaster in South Sudan, Thousands Survive on the Edge of a Canal

Children ride in a small canoe around the area where they live in Jonglei state, South Sudan. (Photo: AP)
Children ride in a small canoe around the area where they live in Jonglei state, South Sudan. (Photo: AP)
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As Flooding Becomes a Yearly Disaster in South Sudan, Thousands Survive on the Edge of a Canal

Children ride in a small canoe around the area where they live in Jonglei state, South Sudan. (Photo: AP)
Children ride in a small canoe around the area where they live in Jonglei state, South Sudan. (Photo: AP)

Long-horned cattle wade through flooded lands and climb a slope along a canal that has become a refuge for displaced families in South Sudan. Smoke from burning dung rises near homes of mud and grass where thousands of people now live after floods swept away their village.
“Too much suffering,” said Bichiok Hoth Chuiny, a woman in her 70s. She supported herself with a stick as she walked in the newly established community of Pajiek in Jonglei state north of the capital, Juba, The Associated Press said.
For the first time in decades, the flooding had forced her to flee. Her efforts to protect her home by building dykes failed. Her former village of Gorwai is now a swamp.
“I had to be dragged in a canoe up to here,” Chuiny said. An AP journalist was the first to visit the community.
Such flooding is becoming a yearly disaster in South Sudan, which the World Bank has described as “the world’s most vulnerable country to climate change and also the one most lacking in coping capacity."
More than 379,000 people have been displaced by flooding this year, according to the UN humanitarian agency.
Seasonal flooding has long been part of the lifestyle of pastoral communities around the Sudd, the largest wetlands in Africa, in the Nile River floodplain. But since the 1960s the swamp has kept growing, submerging villages, ruining farmland and killing livestock.
“The Dinka, Nuer and Murle communities of Jonglei are losing the ability to keep cattle and do farming in that region the way they used to,” said Daniel Akech Thiong, a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group.
South Sudan is poorly equipped to adjust. Independent since 2011, the country plunged into civil war in 2013. Despite a peace deal in 2018, the government has failed to address numerous crises. Some 2.4 million people remain internally displaced by conflict and flooding.
The latest overflowing of the Nile has been blamed on factors including the opening of dams upstream in Uganda after Lake Victoria rose to its highest levels in five years.
The century-old Jonglei Canal, which was never completed, has become a refuge for many.
“We don’t know up to where this flooding would have pushed us if the canal was not there,” said Peter Kuach Gatchang, the paramount chief of Pajiek. He was already raising a small garden of pumpkins and eggplants in his new home.
The 340-kilometer (211-mile) Jonglei Canal was first imagined in the early 1900s by Anglo-Egyptian colonial authorities to increase the Nile’s outflow towards Egypt in the north. But its development was interrupted by the long fight of southern Sudanese against the Sudanese regime in Khartoum that eventually led to the creation of a separate country.
Gatchang said the new community in Pajiek is neglected: "We have no school and no clinic here, and if you stay for a few days, you will see us carrying our patients on stretchers up to Ayod town.”
Ayod, the county headquarters, is reached by a six-hour walk through the waist-high water.
Pajiek also has no mobile network and no government presence. The area is under the control of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-in-Opposition, founded by President Salva Kiir’s rival turned Vice President Riek Machar.
Villagers rely on aid. On a recent day, hundreds of women lined up in a nearby field to receive some from the World Food Program.
Nyabuot Reat Kuor walked home with a 50-kilogram (110-pound) bag of sorghum balanced on her head.
“This flooding has destroyed our farm, killed our livestock and displaced us for good," the mother of eight said. “Our old village of Gorwai has become a river.”
When food assistance runs out, she said, they will survive on wild leaves and water lilies from the swamp. Already in recent years, food aid rations have been cut in half as international funding for such crises drops.
More than 69,000 people who have migrated to the Jonglei Canal in Ayod county are registered for food assistance, according to WFP.
“There are no passable roads at this time of the year, and the canal is too low to support boats carrying a lot of food,” said John Kimemia, a WFP airdrop coordinator.
In the neighboring Paguong village that is surrounded by flooded lands, the health center has few supplies. Medics haven’t been paid since June due to an economic crisis that has seen civil servants nationwide go unpaid for more than a year.
South Sudan’s economic woes have deepened with the disruption of oil exports after a major pipeline was damaged in Sudan during that country's ongoing civil war.
“The last time we got drugs was in September. We mobilized the women to carry them on foot from Ayod town,” said Juong Dok Tut, a clinical officer.
Patients, mostly women and children, sat on the ground as they waited to see the doctor. Panic rippled through the group when a thin green snake passed among them. It wasn't poisonous, but many others in the area are. People who venture into the water to fish or collect water lilies are at risk.
Four life-threatening snake bites cases occurred in October, Tut said. “We managed these cases with the antivenom treatments we had, but now they’re over, so we don’t know what to do if it happens again.”