Israeli Strikes Leave Syrian Ammo Dump a Smoking Ruin

People walk past the fragment of a missile at the site of a Syrian army weapons depot that was hit by overnight Israeli bombardment on the outskirts of the village of Bmalkah in the countryside of Tartous in western Syria on December 16, 2024. (AFP)
People walk past the fragment of a missile at the site of a Syrian army weapons depot that was hit by overnight Israeli bombardment on the outskirts of the village of Bmalkah in the countryside of Tartous in western Syria on December 16, 2024. (AFP)
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Israeli Strikes Leave Syrian Ammo Dump a Smoking Ruin

People walk past the fragment of a missile at the site of a Syrian army weapons depot that was hit by overnight Israeli bombardment on the outskirts of the village of Bmalkah in the countryside of Tartous in western Syria on December 16, 2024. (AFP)
People walk past the fragment of a missile at the site of a Syrian army weapons depot that was hit by overnight Israeli bombardment on the outskirts of the village of Bmalkah in the countryside of Tartous in western Syria on December 16, 2024. (AFP)

A Syrian bunker complex outside the port of Tartus was ablaze and rocked by explosions Monday just hours after what a war monitor and locals said was an intense wave of Israeli air strikes.  

Even after the strikes ended, blasts continued to erupt in a valley outside the village of Bmalkah, a Christian community in the hills behind the city, which is home to Russia's naval base in Syria.  

Israeli planes launched "the heaviest strikes in Syria's coastal region since the start of strikes in 2012" overnight, according to the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

Coming just over a week after Bashar al-Assad's regime was ousted in a lightning opposition offensive, the raids targeted strategic sites and air defenses along Syria's western coast.

"It was like an earthquake. All the windows in my house were blown out," said 28-year-old Ibrahim Ahmed, an employee in a legal office who had come to a roadside viewpoint to look down on devastation.

The hillsides around Bmalkah and the base, a cluster of concrete buildings and arched concrete bunker entrances cut into the hillside to protect stockpiled munitions, were littered with shrapnel.  

Missile launch tubes, mortar shells and damaged munitions were scattered on the ground and plumes of smoke rose from the terraced sides of the valley as parts of the arsenal continued to detonate.  

- Shattered glass -  

In the village of Bmalkah itself, AFP found roads filled with shattered glass and metal roller doors that had ballooned outwards under the pressure wave triggered by the strike.  

There were no reports of civilian casualties, but angry residents were left to sweep up broken glass and domestic wreckage.  

Blasts stripped the leaves from olive trees in groves surrounding the village. Witnesses said powerful explosions began shortly after midnight and continued until almost 6:00 am (0300 GMT).

Clean-up crews sawed up fallen trees that had blocked the road to the next village, sweeping up missile and shell parts, even as the valley echoed to more blasts as pockets of stockpiled munitions caught fire.  

"The village did not sleep last night. The kids were crying," said one middle-aged man with a salt and pepper beard and a blue sweatshirt who refused to give his name.  

"Most of the people had already left their homes towards the city, now they have lost their houses."  

According to the Observatory, 473 Israeli strikes have targeted military sites in Syria since the opposition offensive toppled Assad on December 8.  

Maurice Salloum, a 61-year-old teacher, was trying to secure his home after the windows blew in, scattering glass and twisted aluminum among family photos.  

His two adult sons live abroad in Venezuela and France and have not heard about the bombing. The internet and electricity are cut in the village.  

He told AFP nothing like this had happened in his community during Syria's long civil war, and that the perpetrators must have come from outside the country.  

- Tunnel bunkers -  

The Observatory said: "Israel is continuing its intensification of air strikes on Syrian territory, including to completely destroy tunnels under the mountains".  

The tunnels are thought to hold "depots of ballistic missiles, ammunition, artillery shells and other military equipment".  

Since Assad's fall, Israel has targeted Syria's fleet, chemical arsenals and air defense bases, trying to prevent the country's weapons from falling into the hands of the new government.  

In a move that has drawn international condemnation, Israel also seized a United Nations-patrolled buffer zone on the Syrian Golan Heights, just hours after the rebels took Damascus.  

Ahmad al-Sharaa, previously known as Abu Mohammed al-Golani, leader of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group, which led the final offensive against Assad, criticized Israel on Saturday but said his country was too exhausted for fresh conflict.  

On Sunday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said his country had "no interest in confronting Syria. Israel's policy toward Syria will be determined by the evolving reality on the ground".



Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)

This is not Gaza. It is the Yarmouk camp in Syria.
Simply reading the sign repeatedly at the entrance of the Palestinian camp near Damascus is not enough to cement this truth in the visitor’s mind.
One must constantly remind themselves, with every step and glance, that this is not Gaza, but the Yarmouk camp, just 18 kilometers from Umayyad Square. The camp faced systematic destruction and a long siege, leading to the deaths of over 150 residents, mostly children, from hunger and thirst.
The few families who returned after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime or in recent years are barely visible among the vast destruction, which stretches beyond what the eye or camera can capture.
A passerby emerging from the rubble or children returning from their makeshift classes at the nearby UNRWA school might seem like a scene from a film.
But this is the daily reality for the survivors.
“There are no services in the camp,” locals told Asharq Al-Awsat.
“No electricity, running water, internet, or basic healthcare—just ruined buildings, endless destruction, and dust.”
The memory of the starvation siege still lingers in Yarmouk.
A young man who survived the 2018 siege spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat on the condition of anonymity.
“I remember the first piece of bread I ate after days of hunger. The taste never leaves me. After nearly a week without food or water, I remembered seeing a bag of bread in our neighbors' fridge,” he recalled.
“I mustered the strength to go and found the fridge, burned by airstrikes, still attached to the bread. Only the ends of the loaves had survived, though they were moldy... I ate it like a feast.”
The young man then showed old photos of himself, looking pale and thin, almost like a different person. Like him, many men, including heads of households, feared death or arrest if they went to food distribution points. These supplies, trickling in from local factions and the UN, came with great risk. Many "humanitarian corridors" became traps for men and young people.
Since 2011, the camp has endured military targeting, airstrikes, and intense battles. But in 2018, Yarmouk faced one of its darkest moments. After the 2011 uprising, many Palestinians supported it, including activists and Hamas members.
In response, Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine–General Command, along with other pro-Assad factions, launched a violent attack on the camp and Free Syrian Army groups.
Barrel bombs fell on Yarmouk and nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and Yalda. The situation worsened with the presence of a ISIS stronghold in the southern part of the camp, connecting to those areas.
Founded in 1957, Yarmouk camp, covering around 2.5 kilometers, was once a bustling commercial center, home to nearly 1.5 million people, including Syrians, Palestinians, and some Iraqis. Today, fewer than 8,000 people remain, according to UNRWA estimates.
While many compare Yarmouk’s current situation to Gaza, the issue extends beyond the camp. It is one of 15 Palestinian camps in Syria, with over eight suffering severe destruction, all needing rebuilding and support like Yarmouk, as well as other damaged Syrian neighborhoods and areas around Damascus.
Residents face total neglect, uncertain about their future, the fate of missing family members, and the condition of their homes. Their biggest complaint is a sense of being abandoned, with no social, service, or political support.
They feel like orphans of the former regime, armed groups, and the revolution all at once.
Even the Palestinian factions that once controlled the camp now live in Damascus's middle-class and upscale neighborhoods, with some having moved to Beirut.
For years, civilians were trapped between ISIS, other factions, and the regime. Sources confirm that ISIS in Damascus was founded by a former prisoner from Yalda, released by the regime after the 2011 protests.
He was joined by an Iraqi officer living in Yarmouk, both of whom defected from Al-Nusra Front.
For nearly two years, ISIS expanded into nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and the southern part of Yarmouk, forming a large network of smaller extremist groups that fought and defeated the Free Syrian Army at the time.
During this period, ISIS militants were treated at the government-run Al-Mahini Hospital, later becoming the first armed group to negotiate with the former regime in southern Damascus. They left in organized convoys of buses to the desert of Sweida after surrendering military checkpoints, while Yarmouk residents remained fully besieged.
Asharq Al-Awsat passed the site of the “Ali Al-Wahsh” checkpoint, where a massacre killed 1,200 Yarmouk civilians (according to documented figures).
The worst part of this massacre was not just the number of victims, but the deception used to lure residents with promises of a safe passage for aid after the siege. Once there, men were executed, and women and children were forcibly displaced. Many residents, fearing for their lives, chose to stay hungry rather than risk going for help.
Diaa Suleiman, who lived through that time as a teenager and is now a father of three, said: “After all we went through, we’ve been betrayed. We are completely abandoned. No one looks at us, not even those who caused this. We need protection. We need answers... We need to know where we stand.”
An unofficial meeting, details of which were leaked, took place between Yarmouk faction leaders and representatives of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. The agreement was that Palestinian fighters would hand over their weapons to the new regime in Syria, following a broader call for all factions to do the same.
While Palestinian weapons in Yarmouk were never used against Israel but instead in internal conflicts to support Assad’s regime, their removal now seems like the least difficult demand.
The value of these weapons has completely disappeared, especially since Yarmouk is now empty and destroyed. Restoring any authority there will require rebuilding both the infrastructure and the people.
“The major challenge ahead is how to define the legal and civil status of Palestinians and protect them through the law,” Ayman Abu Hashem, general coordinator of the Palestinian-Syrian Assembly (Maseer), told Asharq Al-Awsat.
Unlike most Palestinian refugee communities, Syrian law grants Palestinians the right to work, own property, and enjoy all civil rights, except voting. However, it excludes those who arrived after the 1967 war or from Jordan after 1970, and those constitute a significant number.
While most Palestinians in Syria see themselves as also Syrian, Hashem said their main demand is to gain Syrian citizenship while keeping their Palestinian identity.
“We don’t want to be seen as giving up the right of return or our connection to Palestine. But we and our children deserve Syrian citizenship, like anyone born and raised in a country, becoming a dual citizen,” explained Hashem.