Hamas Leadership Operating behind Veil of Secrecy

Members of the Hamas group stand guard near a stage before releasing an Israeli hostage. Bashar TALEB / AFP
Members of the Hamas group stand guard near a stage before releasing an Israeli hostage. Bashar TALEB / AFP
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Hamas Leadership Operating behind Veil of Secrecy

Members of the Hamas group stand guard near a stage before releasing an Israeli hostage. Bashar TALEB / AFP
Members of the Hamas group stand guard near a stage before releasing an Israeli hostage. Bashar TALEB / AFP

After Israel killed a string of its leaders, Hamas anointed new commanders to top ranks, this time shrouding their identities in secrecy to protect them from assassination.

Israel vowed to crush Hamas in retaliation for the October 7 attack, launching a blistering offensive in Gaza that has massively weakened the movement while reducing much of the territory to rubble.

Hamas's political chief Ismail Haniyeh, the head of its armed wing Mohammed Deif, and Yahya Sinwar, mastermind of the October 7 attack, have all been killed, as have a string of other commanders and political figures.

Yet unlike its Lebanese ally Hezbollah, whose cult of personality around its slain leader Hassan Nasrallah was a key pillar of its identity, Hamas has placed less of an emphasis on its top ranks.

The group has remained tight-lipped over the names of its top ranks, particularly the Ezzedine al-Qassam brigades.

"The name of the head of the Ezzedine al-Qassam Brigades will remain a secret," said a source close to Hamas's armed wing.

Researchers say it is likely that the role was inherited by Yahya Sinwar's younger brother Mohammed, whom Hamas put in charge of the hostages taken into Gaza in 2023.

"Yahya Sinwar's personality was rather unique" and militants viewed him as a "hero", said Laetitia Bucaille, who teaches political sociology at the INALCO institute of Middle East studies in Paris.

Mohammed Sinwar's blood link to the slain commander, coupled with his own experience in the brigades, have conferred upon him an automatic authority, she said.

Collective leadership

Israel vowed after October 7 to eradicate Hamas, and while the movement has suffered staggering losses, it has not been crushed.

According to Yasser Abu Heen, founder of the Gaza-based Safa news agency, the loss of so many of its leaders has impacted Hamas, "but only temporarily".

"These hits do not pose an existential crisis, Hamas has its own way of running its institutions," he said. "Israel will not be able to eradicate it."

Speaking to AFP on condition of anonymity, a member of Hamas's political bureau described how it acts as the movement's executive arm, voting on decisions and then taking action.

Political bureau membership is decided by the larger Shura Council, the equivalent of a parliament, he added.

"We will not know the new leaders' names. There's a push to keep their identities secret, and to maintain a collective sense of power," said Leila Seurat of the Arab Centre for Research and Political Studies in Paris.

"This isn't a movement based on a charismatic leadership."

While Hamas has survived thus far, it has yet to make the toughest decision of all concerning its future role in Gaza and in the Palestinian struggle for statehood.

Reduced under daily bombardment, Hamas faces demands not just from Israel but from powers around the world and even from some Palestinians to give up power.

Dissent

The Palestinian Authority has pitched itself as a credible ruling entity for the battered territory.

Within Hamas, discussions are raging on whether to hand over power.

According to sources cited by the Soufan Center in New York: "The internal debate has intensified to the point where some Hamas political leaders have considered breaking with the group's military leaders in Gaza."

Hamas is no stranger to division, with Seurat pointing to crises in the past over a range of issues from the Arab Spring to the movement's alliance with Iran.

But the war with Israel has brought to a head frustration among ordinary Gazans sick of a conflict that has killed many thousands and reduced their territory to rubble.

Musa Abu Marzouk, a leading Hamas figure involved in talks over the ceasefire with Israel, told The New York Times in late February that as far as he was concerned, "if it was expected that what happened would happen, there wouldn't have been October 7".

In March, hundreds of people took to the streets of Gaza, chanting "Out, out, Hamas out!", after a rare call to protest circulated via Telegram.

"Some Palestinians want Hamas to go. Some have always been opposed, while others are just fed up," said Seurat.

Pressure alone will not work, however, because Hamas has no viable competitor, and the people of Gaza simply do not have the means to stand up to it.

"They are still in control," said Bucaille. "While Hamas has been weakened, no one can stand up to it for now."



Will STC Keep its Gains in Yemen or Prepare for a Major Confrontation?

A supporter of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) stands in the back of a pickup truck in the Khor Maksar district of the second city of Aden on August 29, 2019. (AFP file)
A supporter of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) stands in the back of a pickup truck in the Khor Maksar district of the second city of Aden on August 29, 2019. (AFP file)
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Will STC Keep its Gains in Yemen or Prepare for a Major Confrontation?

A supporter of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) stands in the back of a pickup truck in the Khor Maksar district of the second city of Aden on August 29, 2019. (AFP file)
A supporter of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) stands in the back of a pickup truck in the Khor Maksar district of the second city of Aden on August 29, 2019. (AFP file)

Yemen's eastern provinces of Hadhramaut and Al-Mahra are passing through a critical phase amid the unprecedented unilateral military escalation carried out by the Southern Transitional Council (STC) that has been met with widespread regional and international condemnation.

Observers have said the STC cannot be allowed to impose a new status quo through the use of force no matter its justifications or claims.

They said the situation is not a passing development that can be ignored by the Saudi-led Arab coalition to restore legitimacy in Yemen and its supporters. Rather, this is a multifaceted political and security test where southern interests, the war against the Houthis and regional peace collide.

At the moment, the STC is opting to maneuver under pressure instead of leading the challenge head-on. In its recent statements, the council has resorted to political claims to justify its actions on the ground, speaking of "coordination" and "understanding concerns", reflecting a growing realization that its room to maneuver is shrinking and that it must take the right decision.

Saudi Arabia has made clear warnings over the situation, starting with a political warning, followed by an airstrike on Hadhramaut. The stern response means that a firm decision has been taken to prevent Hadhramaut and Al-Mahra from being dragged into an internal conflict or becoming an arena where agendas are imposed by force.

The STC is aware that ignoring the warnings puts it in a direct confrontation with a regional heavyweight - Saudi Arabia. The council does not have the political or military means to come out on top, so it has been advised to seriously deal with the warnings and avoid resorting to stalling tactics if it is considering taking the option of minimal losses to the gains it has amassed over the years.

Failing to heed the warning will mean it will have to come to heel through force, which will end in its major defeat.

The observers said the STC has landed itself in an unprecedented crisis. The council has justified its unilateral military actions as aimed at "protecting the southern cause" and that it was meeting the demands of the people. It also claimed that it sought to block Houthi smuggling routes and fight terrorist groups.

Despite everything, it is not too late for the STC to salvage the situation, as stated by Saudi Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman on Saturday. The STC can still end the crisis while taking minimal losses by immediately withdrawing its forces from Hadhramaut and Al-Mahra.

Should it stand its ground, the STC does not have the means to consolidate its presence in the two provinces, especially amid wide popular opposition, notably in Hadhramaut. Moreover, the STC lacks regional cover and international support that is a main condition for creating any security changes in critical areas.

So, it would seem that the best and easiest scenario would be for the STC to withdraw its forces, under such pretexts of "redeployment" or "security arrangements", to minimize its political losses, said the observers.

Should it ignore the warnings and choose to continue to escalate the situation, then the STC will lose its partnership with the legitimate Yemeni authorities, transforming into an obstacle in efforts to restore stability in the country. International sanctions may even be imposed on its leaders.

On the military level, the Arab coalition was clear in stating that it will not allow a new status quo to be imposed by force in eastern Yemen. Any escalation may be met with direct deterrence, meaning casualties on the ground that the STC cannot justify.

On the ground, the STC does not enjoy the support of the people in Hadhramaut and Al-Mahra and the continued escalation will deepen opposition to it in the south. The southern cause will transform from an issue that enjoys consensus to one that causes division.


Syrian Army Enters Latakia, Tartus after Attacks by Regime Remnants

Syrian Security forces stand atop a military vehicle in the city of Latakia, Syria, 28 December 2025. (EPA)
Syrian Security forces stand atop a military vehicle in the city of Latakia, Syria, 28 December 2025. (EPA)
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Syrian Army Enters Latakia, Tartus after Attacks by Regime Remnants

Syrian Security forces stand atop a military vehicle in the city of Latakia, Syria, 28 December 2025. (EPA)
Syrian Security forces stand atop a military vehicle in the city of Latakia, Syria, 28 December 2025. (EPA)

The Syrian Defense Ministry announced on Sunday the deployment of military forces in the coastal cities of Latakia and Tartus in wake of an armed attack against security forces and civilians during recent protests.

Syrian television said the deployment was happening after "outlawed groups" carried out attacks against security forces and the people.

The military will work on preserving security and restoring calm in cooperation with the internal security forces, it added.

Earlier, local media reported that three people were killed and 48 wounded when gunmen affiliated with the ousted regime opened fire at civilians and security forces during protests in Latakia and Tartus.

State television said a member of the security forces was killed and others were injured while they were protecting protests in Latakia.

Head of the security forces in the Latakia province Abdulaziz al-Ahmed said the attack was carried out by terrorist members of the former regime.

The protests in Latakia were called for by Ghazal Ghazal.

Al-Ahmed added that masked gunmen were spotted at the protests and they were identified as members of Coastal Shield Brigade and Al-Jawad Brigade terrorist groups, reported the official SANA news agency.

The groups were responsible for bombings on the M1 highway and extrajudicial killings, it added.

A member of the groups was arrested in the Jableh countryside during a security operation, announced the Interior Ministry. Three other members were killed, while explosives and various weapons and ammunition were seized during the operation.

The Al-Jawad Brigade is affiliated with Suheil al-Hassan, a notorious former Syrian military officer.

In a statement, the Interior Ministry said the group was involved in assassinations, bombings and attacks against the Interior Ministry forces and the army.

It was planning attacks on New Year celebrations, it revealed. The detainee also revealed the locations of weapons caches used by the group.


Hezbollah Chief Accuses Lebanese Authorities of Working ‘in the Interest of What Israel Wants’

Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem
Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem
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Hezbollah Chief Accuses Lebanese Authorities of Working ‘in the Interest of What Israel Wants’

Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem
Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem

Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem on Sunday said moves to disarm the group in Lebanon are an "Israeli-American plan,” accusing Israel of failing to abide by a ceasefire agreement sealed last year.

Under heavy US pressure and fears of expanded Israeli strikes, the Lebanese military is expected to complete Hezbollah's disarmament south of the Litani River -- located about 30 kilometers from the border with Israel -- by the end of the year.

It will then tackle disarming the Iran-backed movement in the rest of the country.

"Disarmament is an Israeli-American plan," Qassem said.

"To demand exclusive arms control while Israel is committing aggression and America is imposing its will on Lebanon, stripping it of its power, means that you are not working in Lebanon's interest, but rather in the interest of what Israel wants."

Despite a November 2024 ceasefire that was supposed to end more than a year of hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah, Israel has kept up strikes on Lebanon and has maintained troops in five areas it deems strategic.

According to the agreement, Hezbollah was required to pull its forces north of the Litani River and have its military infrastructure in the vacated area dismantled.

Israel has questioned the Lebanese military's effectiveness and has accused Hezbollah of rearming, while the group itself has rejected calls to surrender its weapons.

"The deployment of the Lebanese army south of the Litani River was required only if Israel had adhered to its commitments... to halting the aggression, withdrawing, releasing prisoners, and having reconstruction commence," Qassem said in a televised address.

"With the Israeli enemy not implementing any of the steps of the agreement... Lebanon is no longer required to take any action on any level before the Israelis commit to what they are obligated to do."

Lebanese army chief Rodolphe Haykal told a military meeting on Tuesday "the army is in the process of finishing the first phase of its plan.”

He said the army is carefully planning "for the subsequent phases" of disarmament.