Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
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Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)

In Yemen, bearing the legacy of “The Leader” is no easy task. The title, still reverently used by supporters of the General People’s Congress, belongs to the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

It’s also increasingly difficult these days to reach his nephew, Brig. Gen. Tariq Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, a member of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) with vice-presidential rank.

He has remained largely out of public view as US airstrikes against the Iran-aligned Houthis intensify and military geography across Yemen becomes a testing ground for how long the group can withstand the barrage—over 100 strikes since March 15, 2025.

In written responses to Asharq Al-Awsat, Saleh—who also heads the Political Bureau of the National Resistance—warned against viewing Yemen solely through the lens of US-Iran tensions.

“The world would be making a mistake by accepting Yemen as a bargaining chip in Iranian negotiations,” he said.

Speaking with a tone that balanced diplomacy with defiance, Saleh appeared to sharpen both his political and military knives.

While expressing openness to a peaceful solution, he said intentions alone are not enough to build a path to negotiations.

He warned that keeping Yemen, in his words, “a base for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard” threatens not only Yemenis but also regional and international interests.

Saleh noted that stability in Yemen hinges on supporting a national state rooted in constitutional rule and genuine popular consensus—not on short-term geopolitical deals.

“Yemen is not a battleground for settling scores, nor part of any external compromises,” Saleh told Asharq Al-Awsat in written remarks.

He stressed Yemen’s strategic importance to global shipping routes and said that reducing the country to a pawn in major power negotiations undermines both its sovereignty and regional security.

Red Sea Conflict: A Test of Power and Priorities

The ongoing US air campaign has significantly degraded Houthi military capabilities, destroyed key infrastructure, and killed dozens of fighters and hundreds of civilians.

The strikes, targeting the Iran-aligned group’s operations in the Red Sea region, have disrupted leadership structures—even among those seen by Yemenis as figureheads rather than decision-makers.

Despite the mounting pressure, the Houthis have kept up their pattern of resilience, continuing to claim attacks on US naval vessels and Israeli targets.

Amid the roar of US warplanes and missile strikes from the sea, Saleh underlined the need for stronger support to Yemeni forces on the ground, calling it essential to restoring balance—not as a tool for escalation but as a national imperative to protect civilians and preserve hard-won gains.

He said the Yemeni government is in ongoing coordination with international partners and the Saudi-led coalition backing legitimacy in Yemen to secure further assistance for the national struggle.

At the same time, Saleh pointed to continued cooperation with regional and international partners to bolster Yemen’s coast guard, particularly in the Red Sea—a strategic artery for global trade.

He noted the presence of effective security units along the coastline, reinforcing the country’s role in protecting maritime interests.

Yemen’s battle for sovereignty stretches from the mountains to the seas, and protecting its territorial waters is part of a broader struggle against the Houthis and in defense of state institutions.

Saleh said maritime security cannot be separated from national sovereignty, emphasizing that defending sea lanes is integral to restoring state authority both on land and at sea.

‘The State Is Not Built on Statements’

Saleh outlined his vision for peace in stark terms: “There is no meaning to any settlement that does not subject the Houthis to the Yemeni constitution and the rule of law,” he said, dismissing any notion that the group could be accommodated outside a constitutional framework.

Peace, in his view, is not a matter of goodwill or declarations. It is a constitutional principle that criminalizes taking power by force and mandates republican governance as a guarantee of equal citizenship, social justice, and Yemen’s return to its rightful place as a peaceful and responsible global partner.

He argued that state power is not built through media statements but through real capabilities on the ground. Only that strength, he said, can lead to a just political solution that serves Yemen, its region, and the wider international community.

While reiterating his commitment to peace, Saleh stressed that it cannot come through concessions alone—it requires a redefinition of the balance of power.

“Peace cannot be granted to a group that rejects the state,” he said. “It is forged when the state regains the capacity to enforce the law and protect its citizens.”

A Predictable Escalation

According to Saleh, the recent Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden are not an outburst of sudden aggression, but the continuation of a long-term strategy.

“These are not surprises,” he said, recalling how the group began targeting Yemeni territorial waters with naval mines and missiles years ago.

The Houthis also launched attacks on civilian infrastructure, including oil export facilities, and disrupted maritime sovereignty by jamming communications with shipping firms and blockading Yemeni ports.

For Saleh, the current US-led campaign is not an isolated flare-up, but part of a larger context where Yemen's struggle for sovereignty has always included defending its shores.

According to the PLC leader, the world turned a blind eye to Houthi violations for years—until they threatened international interests.

“These violations were happening early on,” he said. “But the world only began paying attention when its direct interests were affected.”

Saleh voiced regret over the wars the Iran-backed group has dragged Yemen into, but reiterated his belief that military action is the only way to end what he described as “Houthi terrorism directed by Iran.”

No Peace in the Dictionary

In Saleh’s political lexicon, peace with the Houthis—whom he describes as a bloodthirsty group with no commitment to national frameworks and an ideology rooted in an enemy state—is virtually nonexistent.

He accused the Houthis of placing their leadership and institutions tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps above Yemen’s state institutions.

“Governance is about managing people’s affairs based on shared frameworks,” Saleh said. “The Houthis do not abide by any of that.” As a result, he believes the conflict is dictated by weapons, not by any political process grounded in consensus or constitutional rule.

Saleh directly blamed Iran for perpetuating the conflict through its armed proxies, keeping Yemen hostage to violence and rebellion.

Tehran denies controlling Houthi decisions, but regional and international powers have repeatedly presented evidence of weapons smuggling and Iranian fingerprints on the group’s arsenal.

A State Denied

Saleh’s stance on the Houthis leaves no room for ambiguity. He sees the core of the crisis in their rejection of statehood, their use of religion as a tool of power, and their prioritization of armed control over any national project or political consensus.

Under these conditions, he says, a return to state institutions and constitutional governance is impossible while an armed group continues to defy the republic and evade any legal restraints on its authority.

‘What Unites Us Is Greater Than Our Differences’

Despite the political gridlock, Saleh acknowledged the challenges facing the Presidential Leadership Council and admitted that delays have occurred on several fronts. Still, he described internal disagreements as “natural,” given the complexity of Yemen’s ongoing crisis.

“In the end,” he said, “what unites us is greater than any differences.”

Saleh affirmed that internal differences within the PLC are normal—especially under the extraordinary circumstances the country is facing. What matters, he stressed, is the leadership’s ability to manage those differences within a framework of national responsibility.

“Disagreements are natural in any leadership body, particularly in exceptional conditions like Yemen’s,” he said. “But more important is our ability to navigate this diversity and divergence while remaining committed to the national interest.”

Saleh acknowledged delays on certain issues, but maintained that coordination among military forces loyal to the internationally recognized government continues to improve. Armed conflict between former battlefield allies who support legitimacy, he noted, has largely come to an end.

Mounting Economic Pressure

On the civilian front, Saleh admitted the council is grappling with significant economic pressures. These include financial fragmentation, Houthi manipulation of monetary policy, the splitting of the central bank, and the looting of public resources in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. The situation is compounded by limited international support for the government.

Despite these obstacles, Saleh insisted the council remains the legitimate representative of the Yemeni state—locally, regionally, and internationally. Still, he admitted, “much, much more” is needed, reflecting the scale of the challenges and the narrow room for maneuver.

Managing, Not Denying, Disagreements

Saleh acknowledged criticism of the PLC, especially regarding internal divisions, but said these rifts predated the council’s formation.

“The issue is not the absence of disagreements,” he said, “but our ability to manage them responsibly.” That, he argued, is what keeps the leadership intact and its national mission on course.

Saleh explained that the council’s performance should not be viewed as a defense of outcomes, but rather as a reflection of the sheer complexity of the moment.

He described a leadership body under immense economic strain, facing financial fragmentation orchestrated by the Houthi-run administration in Sanaa and grappling with depleted state revenues.

Despite these mounting challenges, he said, the council continues to serve as a reference point for the country’s legitimate leadership, striving to maintain cohesion in a volatile environment where all outcomes remain on the table.

In this precarious phase, Saleh appears focused not only on confronting threats but on reshaping the idea of unity within Yemen’s state institutions—from the PLC and military landscape to Yemen’s strategic ties with regional and international partners, which he views as critical to any future settlement.

The PLC was formed in April 2022 following Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council in Riyadh. It brought together military and political factions opposed to the Houthis under the chairmanship of Dr. Rashad al-Alimi and seven vice presidents, including Saleh.

The council’s formation was seen at the time as a hopeful turning point—one aimed at pursuing peace and correcting the shortcomings of the previous government. But nearly three years on, critics argue that momentum has faded.

Supporters, however, counter that the council’s ability to remain united despite deep ideological and political differences among its members—many of whom were once rivals—is itself a political achievement amid the ongoing conflict.

 

 



Hamas Killings Spark Anger as Pursuit of Gazans Resumes

Hamas police officers in a street in Gaza City (file photo - Reuters)
Hamas police officers in a street in Gaza City (file photo - Reuters)
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Hamas Killings Spark Anger as Pursuit of Gazans Resumes

Hamas police officers in a street in Gaza City (file photo - Reuters)
Hamas police officers in a street in Gaza City (file photo - Reuters)

Security tensions are rising in the Gaza Strip as Hamas-run security agencies resume measures against Palestinians that include summonses and arrests targeting people described as “activists” or critics of the group’s policies.

Anger has grown further after two Gaza residents were killed in separate incidents in the central part of the enclave.

Shortly before sunset prayers on Sunday, Hamas personnel stationed at a security checkpoint opened fire on a vehicle belonging to Asaad Abu Mahadi, 49, at the Abu Srar junction in the Nuseirat refugee camp in central Gaza. He was critically wounded and later died.

Abu Mahadi’s family said the vehicle trader was killed by masked men acting outside the law and without legal justification. In a statement, the family described the shooting as “a criminal act, a blatant violation of social and legal norms and values, a direct threat to civil peace, and an assault on the stability that had begun to prevail in recent months.”

The family, part of a large and well-known Bedouin clan in Gaza, called for a neutral and independent investigation and demanded that those responsible be brought to justice. It also urged the authorities to strictly limit the use of live ammunition and impose tighter controls to prevent similar incidents.

The family said it reserved its “tribal and legal right” to hold the perpetrators accountable, either through the courts or on its own if the authorities fail to act.

A source in the Abu Mahadi family told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hamas had sent a delegation of community elders and clan leaders to try to defuse the situation, but the family rejected the effort and demanded the handover of the perpetrators, whom they say they now know.

The source said Abu Mahadi had no links to any faction and that the delegation acknowledged he had been killed by mistake after his vehicle had merely come under suspicion.

A Hamas security source told Asharq Al-Awsat that Abu Mahadi had been asked to stop at the checkpoint but did not comply, prompting officers to open fire. The source said there had been “no justification whatsoever” for the shooting and that immediate measures had been taken against recently recruited security personnel who were filling gaps after the security services lost thousands of members during the war.

The source said the checkpoints were meant to prevent infiltration by Israeli forces or armed gangs, particularly after several recent attempts to carry out criminal attacks in Gaza.

Days earlier, Asharq Al-Awsat reported that Hamas security forces had foiled an attack by members of an armed gang in Gaza City and arrested one suspect. Another gang later carried out an attack near the Zeitoun neighborhood, abducting a Hamas government employee and seizing weapons from an arms dealer.

Another killing

Two days after Abu Mahadi’s death, security personnel shot dead another young man, Mohammed Abu Amra, on Tuesday evening in Deir al-Balah in central Gaza.

Family and independent sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Abu Amra had previously been responsible for securing humanitarian aid deliveries during a period of the war when aid trucks were frequently looted. The sources said his uncle, who supervised him, had also been killed a few months earlier by armed Hamas members.

Hamas has not offered an explanation for the incident. Security sources said the case was under investigation.

Kidnapping and assault allegations

The incidents come as accusations grow that Hamas security agencies are again tightening security measures, including summoning and arresting people described as social media activists or opponents of its policies.

Activists recently condemned the abduction of Ashraf Nasr, who frequently posts on social media criticizing conditions in Gaza and Hamas policies, including his refusal to align with any political or regional camp.

Nasr was reportedly abducted from a tent where he and his family had taken shelter near the Shujaiya neighborhood in eastern Gaza City and beaten in front of them. Activists said he was questioned about his posts on Facebook and other platforms and was repeatedly beaten during interrogation, requiring medical treatment.

Independent sources have not confirmed the claims, while Hamas sources declined to comment. Some Gaza activists say summonses and arrests are also targeting people who criticize charitable organizations or youth initiatives accused of failing to distribute assistance properly.

Hamas security sources told Asharq Al-Awsat there was no such campaign and said the measures were aimed at maintaining security and stability amid attempts by some parties to spread misinformation about events or living conditions. Some individuals were summoned following complaints from citizens who said they had been harmed.

The sources denied that detainees were beaten during questioning and said those summoned were treated “with full respect.”

Many Gaza residents had expected security conditions to change after the two-year Israeli war, especially amid repeated US and Israeli calls for Hamas to leave power and end pursuit measures.

Expectations also rose after an agreement to form a technocratic committee to administer the enclave.

The committee has recently begun receiving applications to form its own security force, raising hopes of a shift in the situation. But its future remains uncertain as the Gaza file remains largely frozen by the US and some mediating countries, amid broader regional developments and the ongoing war with Iran.

For the first time, a figure associated with Hamas publicly commented on the developments.

Ibrahim al-Madhoun, a political analyst and prominent Hamas supporter, wrote on Facebook that he supports “freedom and the right of every person to say what they want,” and opposes harming anyone because of their views.

He said he rejects “any assault or harm, even by a word, by any government against any person,” and called on Palestinian security agencies in Gaza and the West Bank to respect citizens, safeguard their rights, especially freedom of expression, and allow broader space for free opinion.


Erbil Rejects Exporting Oil for Baghdad without Conditional Deal

 An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. (Kurdistan government /AFP)
An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. (Kurdistan government /AFP)
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Erbil Rejects Exporting Oil for Baghdad without Conditional Deal

 An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. (Kurdistan government /AFP)
An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. (Kurdistan government /AFP)

Two Kurdish officials ruled out allowing Iraqi oil exports through the Kurdistan Region’s pipeline to Türkiye’s Ceyhan port “without a deal and conditions.”

Their remarks come after reports that Iraq’s Oil Ministry sent a letter to the Kurdistan Regional Government requesting the export of at least 100,000 barrels per day through the Kurdistan pipeline to the Turkish port.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity, the officials said the region may agree to allow Iraqi oil from the Kirkuk fields to pass through its pipeline “under the weight of the current crisis and US pressure.”

However, they stressed that the region would not allow the oil to pass free of charge or without conditions.

There has been no official confirmation or denial from the Kurdistan Region regarding the federal ministry’s request. One official said the issue is expected to be discussed at a meeting of the region’s government and predicted a “conditional Kurdish approval.”

He noted that the pipeline in the Kurdistan Region cost billions of dollars to build and was largely financed through loans taken by the region from Türkiye and other countries.

The official said the region’s authorities “were forced to build the pipeline” after Baghdad cut the region’s financial allocations between 2014 and 2018, prompting Kurdistan to seek alternative revenue sources to sustain daily life and cover government spending.

“It is not logical for Baghdad to pay only transit fees,” he said. “It should pay more than that to the regional government because this pipeline was not built from the Iraqi state treasury but from funds that became debts owed by the region.”

He added that “the time has come to hold accountability on many issues, including the suspension of the region’s budget for several years.”

The second official said exporting oil through the Kurdistan Region’s pipelines to Türkiye “cannot happen without conditions.”

“Such a step is usually linked to a package of political and economic understandings between the region and the federal government,” he said, adding that it could also influence developments in the energy market, particularly the sharp rise in oil prices.

He said it was “natural for the region to seek to resolve several outstanding issues with Baghdad within a framework that takes into account the interests of both sides and strengthens stability in the energy file.”

“We also have the dollar problem resulting from the application of the ASYCUDA system at the region’s border crossings, which has caused significant damage to imports and trade in the region in recent months,” he added.

Iraq’s crisis

Baghdad is facing a serious challenge after halting oil exports following the war that erupted between the US, Israel, and Iran, leaving it unable to meet financial obligations or pay public sector salaries in the coming months.

Nabil Al-Marsoumi, a professor of economics at the University of Basra, said Iraq has made the largest oil production cuts in the world due to the war and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, reducing output by about 2.9 million barrels per day.

In a Facebook post, Al-Marsoumi said that because of the war and the shutdown of most oil fields, Iraq’s crude exports from Kurdistan fields via the Turkish Ceyhan pipeline had fallen from 200,000 barrels per day to between 20,000 and 40,000 barrels per day.

He said this means Iraq’s current exports do not exceed 50,000 barrels per day after including shipments to Jordan of about 10,000 barrels per day.

Al-Marsoumi said it would be possible to export 250,000 barrels per day of Kirkuk oil through the Kurdistan Region’s pipeline to Ceyhan once the Kurdistan Regional Government approves.

He added that contacts are underway with the Jordanian government to increase oil exports through tanker trucks.

Authorities in Baghdad have faced strong public criticism for relying entirely on southern ports for oil exports and for failing to complete alternative export pipelines through Jordan or Syria.

Alternative routes

Saheb Bazoun, an Oil Ministry spokesperson, told AFP that Iraq’s oil sector has been heavily affected by the disruption.

“Much like other countries in the region, oil production and marketing have been severely impacted, leaving the government no choice but to seek alternative export routes to the Strait of Hormuz,” Bazoun said.

He added that several Iraqi oil shipments are currently stranded at sea.


Lebanon Village Wants Army Protection from Israel, Hezbollah

Residents of the Christian Lebanese border village of Qlayaa carry the coffin of the village's priest, Father Pierre al-Rai during his funeral on March 11, 2026. (AFP)
Residents of the Christian Lebanese border village of Qlayaa carry the coffin of the village's priest, Father Pierre al-Rai during his funeral on March 11, 2026. (AFP)
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Lebanon Village Wants Army Protection from Israel, Hezbollah

Residents of the Christian Lebanese border village of Qlayaa carry the coffin of the village's priest, Father Pierre al-Rai during his funeral on March 11, 2026. (AFP)
Residents of the Christian Lebanese border village of Qlayaa carry the coffin of the village's priest, Father Pierre al-Rai during his funeral on March 11, 2026. (AFP)

After narrowly escaping death in her border village, Myriam Nohra is among the people in south Lebanon imploring the army for protection from the war between Israel and Hezbollah.

In Christian-majority Qlayaa, which overlooks a vast green plain separating Lebanon and Israel, hundreds of people buried their parish priest Father Pierre Rai on Wednesday, two days after he was killed by Israeli shelling while inspecting the site of an attack.

Army commander Rodolphe Haykal, who came to the church, faced angry residents who called on the military to bolster its presence in the border area, stop Hezbollah fighters from launching rockets near their village, and to ensure locals can remain.

Dressed in black, 34-year-old teacher Nohra told AFP that just hours after Rai's death "a Hezbollah rocket fell over our heads after going off course towards Israel" as her family slept.

She, her husband and two children "survived by a miracle".

"I ran like crazy looking for (the children) in their room. I couldn't believe they were alive," she said, her voice trembling.

"I can't describe the destruction to the house or the trauma they went through."

Until days ago, Qlayaa had been spared the regional war that Lebanon was drawn into last week when Hezbollah attacked Israel in response to the killing of Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei in US-Israeli strikes.

Israel, which had kept up strikes in Lebanon even before the war despite a 2024 ceasefire with Hezbollah, has since launched air raids across the country and sent ground troops into border areas.

- 'We'll stay' -

Rai's death and the rocket that hit Nohra's home have heightened fears in Qlayaa, where like in some other Christian villages near the border, residents are refusing to leave despite sweeping Israeli army evacuation warnings.

"What price have we paid today and for who? We've never harmed anyone in our lives. We only want to live in our village in peace and safety," said Nohra as the sound of prayers mixed with aircraft noise overhead.

Following the ceasefire that sought to end the previous hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah, the Lebanese army had bolstered its presence near the Israeli border and dismantled Hezbollah infrastructure there.

But the army withdrew from several border positions last week as Israel launched its new strikes and incursions.

South Lebanon has long been a stronghold of Hezbollah, a Shiite movement backed by Iran, and which gained much of its legitimacy from providing protection and services to a community that had long been sidelined.

And while the majority of south Lebanon's residents are Shiite, not all of them support Hezbollah, and side by side with Muslim villages are communities of other faiths, including Christians.

For many years, Hezbollah was believed to have an arsenal bigger than the army's but Nohra, like many in the south, blamed the military for failing to protect residents.

If the military were carrying out its duty, she said, "nobody would be able to launch rockets around us".

Resident Manal Khairallah said she told Haykal that "we want no more blood."

"I asked the army commander to do his job," she said.

"Our ancestors lived here. We grew up here and we'll stay here," she said.

- 'Enough' -

"We blame the state in its entirety," she said angrily.

"We are peaceful and we don't want war."

Apostolic Nuncio to Lebanon Paolo Borgia, who attended the funeral, said he "shared the worries" of the residents and was trying "to find solutions".

Israel has issued warnings to all residents south of the Litani River, about 30 kilometers (20 miles) from the border, to evacuate, and has said it wants to create a buffer zone in Lebanon to protect residents of north Israel.

Khairallah said defiantly that "we will not leave our homes, no matter what happens."

"This war has nothing to do with us," said retired soldier Jihad Toubia, 73.

"Even if Israel sets up a buffer zone, we won't leave. Let them bury us here," he said.

Local official Habib al-Hage, 78, said that "the army and security forces are the only guarantee."

"We won't leave, even if they want to kill us," he said.

Teacher Doris Farah, 55, broke down describing her anxiety and sadness since the new war erupted.

"We are attached to our land... we want the army to protect us," she said.

"The south has sacrificed so much -- for us, it's enough. We just want to live with our children in peace."