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Jordan Shifts Strategy Against Muslim Brotherhood Following Plot to ‘Stir Chaos’

Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman on Tuesday. (Petra)
Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman on Tuesday. (Petra)
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Jordan Shifts Strategy Against Muslim Brotherhood Following Plot to ‘Stir Chaos’

Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman on Tuesday. (Petra)
Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman on Tuesday. (Petra)

Jordanian authorities said they thwarted plans aimed at stirring chaos and causing material damage in the kingdom, in a move that analysts say may signal a strategic shift in how the state deals with the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood group.

The General Intelligence Department (GID) announced on Tuesday it had foiled “schemes targeting national security and aimed at sowing disorder and sabotage inside the country.”

According to the GID, 16 individuals were arrested in connection with the alleged plots, which officials say had been under close surveillance since 2021.

Sources familiar with the matter told Asharq Al-Awsat the developments could mark a turning point in Amman’s approach to the banned group, long considered a sensitive political issue in the kingdom.

Jordan is preparing for a strategic shift in how it deals with the Muslim Brotherhood, a senior political source, who requested anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The source said the group had been operating without official recognition, but recent indictments and alleged foreign ties suggest that Amman is poised to adopt a tougher approach.

“If the movement has so far been active despite questions over its legal status, the charges laid out and the extent of its external links point to a coming change in how the kingdom deals with the Islamist movement,” the source said.

It added that the group’s activities would be subject to legal scrutiny and prosecution once court rulings are issued against those accused of belonging to its cells.

The source also revealed that the discovery of powerful explosives stored in residential homes points to the possible existence of armed militias posing a threat to Jordan's internal and external security.

Other Jordanian sources revealed that short-range rockets uncovered during a recent security operation were part of a broader effort to form ideologically driven, armed militias aimed at destabilizing the country from within.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, the sources estimated the missiles—believed to have a range of no more than five kilometers—were intended for sabotage and terrorist operations on Jordanian soil.

The activities were described as part of a recruitment strategy embedded in religious rhetoric aimed at mobilizing followers.

The sources stressed the importance of a legal and political separation between the Muslim Brotherhood and its political arm, the Islamic Action Front, which currently holds 31 seats in parliament.

“Ensuring the rule of law applies equally to all actors is now a priority,” one source said, noting that the circumstances surrounding the case reveal the danger of providing fertile ground for cross-border agendas and the spread of extremist ideology through armed factions.

Authorities reiterated Jordan’s official position advocating moderation and rejecting extremism. “Jordan must not become a source of instability threatening its neighbors,” one official said, highlighting the country’s commitment to peace.

While popular sentiment in Jordan continues to view Israel as an adversary, the official stance remains aligned with the 1994 peace treaty, which was ratified by parliament and remains in force.

Amman has also warned against Israel’s efforts to portray itself as a security target—a label officials fear could be used to justify expanded military operations in the occupied Palestinian West Bank.

Jordan views such moves, including potential displacement policies in Gaza or the West Bank, as a direct threat to its national interests.

Jordanian authorities have said that while four terrorist cells identified by security forces have been active since May 2021, there is no operational connection to the Hamas-led attacks during the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation against Israel in October 2023.

However, intelligence sources revealed that key figures within the Muslim Brotherhood received directives from foreign entities, though these were not named.

According to the sources, the suspects maintained communications with external groups, receiving funds from regional countries. They were also trained in southern Lebanon, suggesting ties to Hezbollah and Hamas operatives in the area.

Further investigations revealed potential Iranian financial support, with some evidence linking Tehran to efforts aimed at escalating tensions along the eastern front against Israel. These activities, the sources suggest, could be part of broader regional strategic moves.

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Arab World

Iraq on Verge of Restructuring Popular Mobilization Forces

Members of Saraya al-Salam attend a ceremony in Samarra on June 4, 2026, marking their integration into Iraq’s security forces. (AFP)
Members of Saraya al-Salam attend a ceremony in Samarra on June 4, 2026, marking their integration into Iraq’s security forces. (AFP)
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Iraq on Verge of Restructuring Popular Mobilization Forces

Members of Saraya al-Salam attend a ceremony in Samarra on June 4, 2026, marking their integration into Iraq’s security forces. (AFP)
Members of Saraya al-Salam attend a ceremony in Samarra on June 4, 2026, marking their integration into Iraq’s security forces. (AFP)

The military wing loyal to Sadrist movement leader Moqtada al-Sadr handed over responsibility for security in Samarra to the Iraqi army on Thursday, in a symbolic ceremony that included lowering the faction’s flag at its operations headquarters.

The move, seen by observers as a “qualitative shift,” coincided with an announcement by the spokesman for Iraq’s armed forces that work had begun to restructure formations of the Popular Mobilization Forces and guarantee the rights of their members.

Saad Maan, head of the Security Media Cell, said all Saraya al-Salam fighters affiliated with Sadr were now under the command of the prime minister, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.

Footage aired by state television showed Saraya al-Salam members lowering their faction’s flag outside the operations headquarters, in the presence of a military committee sent by Prime Minister Ali al-Zaydi.

Saraya al-Salam is part of the Popular Mobilization Forces through brigades 313, 314, and 315. It carries out security duties in several areas, most notably Samarra.

Sadr announced on May 27 that he was merging his military wing, Saraya al-Salam, into the state, and called on Popular Mobilization Forces factions to hand over their weapons.

Within a week, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali also announced their separation from the Popular Mobilization Forces. Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat al-Nujaba, however, have continued to reject demands to disarm and dismantle the factions.

Saraya under the commander’s authority

After the handover ceremony, Deputy Commander of Joint Operations Qais al-Mohammedawi said at a news conference that merging Saraya al-Salam meant placing it under the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.

He said, “A committee had been formed by government order to relink and redistribute armed formations so they move away from any other political title or formation.”

Saraya al-Salam brigades have been stationed in Samarra since the bombing of the Imam al-Askari shrine in June 2007. It remains unclear whether its members will leave the city for the first time in 19 years. But a military source told Asharq Al-Awsat the faction had handed over all its headquarters to the army, while its fighters now answer to the commander in chief of the armed forces.

Still, observers say the details of dismantling and disarmament remain unclear. Questions persist about the types and quantities of weapons held by the factions, whether they will hand them over to government authorities, and whether they will give them up entirely.

An Iraqi security official said the mechanism for placing all weapons under state control “remains unclear,” according to AFP. Local media, however, circulated claims that the Coordination Framework had put forward an initiative for discussion.

The proposal reportedly includes “securing tens of thousands of government jobs in official security institutions for individuals whose armed factions agreed to disengage.”

Restructuring the Popular Mobilization Forces

In a notable development, Sabah al-Numan, the spokesman for the commander in chief of the armed forces, said the committee formed at the commander in chief's direction had begun work to place all weapons under state control.

He said disengagement from the Popular Mobilization Forces included restructuring its formations and guaranteeing the rights of its members.

It is the first official reference to “restructuring the formations of the Popular Mobilization Forces” since the force was established in 2014 to fight ISIS.

Numan said the term “disengagement” involved administrative frameworks and restructuring these formations within the security services, while guaranteeing fighters’ rights and integrating them into military formations.

“The committee has been formed and has begun its work,” he said. “It will set the mechanisms for merging and incorporating the relevant formations, and for handing over weapons, equipment and camps to the Iraqi security authorities.”

Numan said “all weapons and all equipment” would be handed over to the central committee and Iraqi security authorities. A full inventory, he added, would be submitted within two days to the central committee, which is under the direct supervision, direction and follow-up of the commander in chief of the armed forces.

The committee includes several bodies, including the Defense Ministry, the Interior Ministry, the Joint Operations Command and the Popular Mobilization Forces Commission.

The Coordination Framework authorized Prime Minister and Commander in Chief Ali al-Zaydi to take the decisions and measures needed to protect the country’s higher interests.

It also backed “restricting weapons to the state and disengaging the Popular Mobilization Forces Commission from political, partisan and social frameworks.”

What comes next?

Asaib Ahl al-Haq, led by Qais al-Khazali, is expected to take a step similar to that of the Sadrist movement after agreeing with the prime minister to form a committee to separate from the Popular Mobilization Forces.

Khazali is under US sanctions and is one of the leaders of the Coordination Framework, which holds the largest parliamentary bloc. His political influence grew after his group won 27 seats in the latest parliamentary elections.

A source close to Asaib said the group “currently considers political work and presence in government more important than fighting. Therefore, it wants to give assurances to the United States.”

Kataib al-Imam Ali also said it would form a committee to “follow up the inventory, handover and transfer process under Zaydi’s supervision,” and another to “follow up the affairs of individuals and members and reintegrate them into state institutions.”

In practice, that means “all decisions related to their brigades within the Popular Mobilization Forces” will come under Zaydi’s authority “administratively,” according to a source close to the factions.

US special envoy to Syria and Iraq Tom Barrack welcomed a step that “will contribute to building order” and praised the initiative of Prime Minister Ali al-Zaydi, who, after taking office last month, pledged to restrict weapons to the state.

The move comes as Washington gains political and economic ground in Iraq, while Tehran’s regional influence has declined since the outbreak of the war in Gaza between Israel and Hamas, which is backed by Tehran, in 2023, followed by Israel’s first war against Iran in 2025, and then the second war launched by the United States and Israel in February, whose repercussions reached Iraq.

Disarmament plan

Asharq Al-Awsat revealed on May 9, 2026, that an Iraqi committee, including Prime Minister-designate Ali al-Zaydi, was working to complete an “executive project” to disarm armed factions before presenting it to Washington, amid mounting US pressure to keep militias away from the new government and key state institutions.

The committee had presented militia leaders with “ideas on how to disarm,” but some meetings “did not pass calmly,” according to informed sources.

The plan includes removing heavy and medium weapons and restructuring the Popular Mobilization Forces, alongside expected changes in sensitive security agencies, possibly including the intelligence service.

Political sources, however, questioned the government’s ability to implement the project, saying it may be aimed at “buying time.”

Arab World

Israel, Hezbollah Dash Hopes for ‘Last-Chance’ Ceasefire Deal

The Lebanese and Israeli delegations, along with US State Department representatives, attend the latest round of negotiations in Washington.(AFP)
The Lebanese and Israeli delegations, along with US State Department representatives, attend the latest round of negotiations in Washington.(AFP)
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Israel, Hezbollah Dash Hopes for ‘Last-Chance’ Ceasefire Deal

The Lebanese and Israeli delegations, along with US State Department representatives, attend the latest round of negotiations in Washington.(AFP)
The Lebanese and Israeli delegations, along with US State Department representatives, attend the latest round of negotiations in Washington.(AFP)

Israel and Hezbollah have dashed hopes for a “last chance” ceasefire agreement in Lebanon, with Tel Aviv insisting it will continue military operations until a demilitarized zone is established, and Hezbollah vowing to fight on, calling the deal “a road map to exterminate part of the Lebanese people and enslave the rest.”

Lebanese contacts with domestic and international players are continuing in a bid to rescue the agreement.

The effort to salvage the deal, reached between the Lebanese state and Israel during direct talks in Washington on Wednesday, appeared to show that the crisis is tied to regional developments.

Lebanese ministerial sources said Lebanon had received Hezbollah’s rejection of the agreement from its secretary-general, Naim Qassem, “pending clarity on the Iranian position.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, who supports a comprehensive ceasefire, remained silent.

Two obstacles appeared to be undercutting the agreement. The first was the failure to secure a comprehensive ceasefire across Lebanon. The second was Israel’s demand for “freedom of movement.”

A third hurdle, Hezbollah’s demand for a clause requiring Israel to withdraw from occupied territory, was eased after the Shiite duo accepted a timetable for withdrawal, starting after the ceasefire takes effect, with the next steps to proceed “step for step.”

A “last chance” agreement

Official Lebanon sees the deal as “the last chance” for a final and comprehensive ceasefire.

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun said in remarks to reporters that “each party must bear responsibility if it does not respond” to the statement and its provisions, which he described as highly important for Lebanon.

Aoun said that once replies are received from the concerned domestic parties, especially Hezbollah, Lebanon’s position will be relayed to the American side so the next steps can be determined.

Aoun praised the resolve of the Lebanese negotiating team, led by Ambassador Simon Karam, saying Wednesday’s talks were extremely difficult.

Karam, he said, suspended one round of negotiations and refused to move to any other issue before a comprehensive ceasefire was settled.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio then intervened to resume the talks, which ended with Lebanon’s demand for a comprehensive ceasefire being accepted.

Aoun said he remained in contact with international and domestic parties throughout Wednesday and into the early hours of Thursday to secure the comprehensive ceasefire.

He said brotherly and friendly states had helped put pressure on Lebanon’s side, and that US President Donald Trump would be the direct guarantor of the agreement’s implementation.

The deal could take effect 24 hours after Trump is notified of approval and the necessary guarantees are provided.

Israel and Hezbollah respond

The response came quickly. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said the army would not stop firing and would remain in the occupied areas “until Hezbollah elements are first removed from the entire area south of the Litani and a demilitarized zone is established.”

He also insisted on freedom of movement, including the right to strike targets in Beirut.

Qassem, for his part, called the agreement “a road map to exterminate part of the Lebanese people and enslave the rest.”

“We are concerned only with stopping the comprehensive aggression, with a ceasefire and Israel’s withdrawal,” he said.

“The ceasefire must be comprehensive. There can be no partition between the south and the rest of Lebanon, and no freedom for the Israeli enemy to kill in Lebanon. As long as the occupation exists, the resistance continues.”

Qassem said Hezbollah had given no one a pledge not to resist or respond to aggression.

“As long as the aggression continues, we will confront it with all the power we have, and we will reach it wherever we decide and are able,” he said.

“As long as our villages are not safe, are bombed and destroyed, and our people are killed, the settlements will not be safe, and they will see our force and severity.”

He said Hezbollah rejected any link between the presence of the resistance, stopping the aggression, and Israel’s withdrawal.

“No one has the right to interfere in Lebanon’s internal affairs among the Lebanese, in organizing their political, economic, and social life, and the decisions they agree on regarding the sovereignty and protection of their country within the national security strategy they agree on,” he said.

Prime minister

Prime Minister Nawaf Salam supports the official negotiating track. Opening a cabinet session, Salam said: “The negotiating path we chose is the fastest and least costly route for Lebanon and the Lebanese, and for the south and its people.”

He said negotiation “was not the only available option, but it was the best option.”

Referring to Aoun’s statement that “the negotiations were not easy, and our delegation faced Israeli intransigence,” Salam said Lebanon’s demands were unchanged.

“What we are demanding in these negotiations is not new,” he said.

“It is what we said from day one, a full Israeli withdrawal from our land, the return of our people to their homes and villages with dignity and safety, armed with our right to our land, the support of our Arab brothers, international support, and American understanding.”

On clearing the area south of the Litani of gunmen and weapons, Salam said, “This is not a condition imposed on us by anyone. This is what Lebanon pledged to the world when it agreed to Resolution 1701 in 2006.”

On the state’s exclusive control of arms across Lebanon, he said, “We have been very late in implementing what was stipulated in the Taif Agreement, which the Lebanese signed, and what was also included in our ministerial statement. We missed the opportunity in 2000 after the Israeli withdrawal, and then after the Syrian withdrawal in 2005. We must not miss this opportunity as well, because missing it this time will have grave consequences.”

Salam urged “all parties to place the interest of Lebanon and its people above any other interest, whether foreign or factional, and to bear their responsibilities.”

“Whoever rejects or stalls will alone bear the burden of what may result from that, before history, and more importantly before the Lebanese people, who have suffered greatly and made the greatest sacrifices,” he said.

Arab World

Why Lebanon, Israel Chose Beaufort Castle as Pilot Zone

Smoke rises near the Beaufort Castle, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 29, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer
Smoke rises near the Beaufort Castle, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 29, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer
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Why Lebanon, Israel Chose Beaufort Castle as Pilot Zone

Smoke rises near the Beaufort Castle, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 29, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer
Smoke rises near the Beaufort Castle, as seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, May 29, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer

The ceasefire agreement between Lebanon and Israel provides for the creation of “pilot zones” in southern Lebanon, where the Lebanese army would assume exclusive control and ensure Hezbollah fighters are not present, in return for an Israeli military withdrawal from those areas.

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun said Beirut had proposed that the plan begin in the towns of Zawtar al-Sharqiya and Zawtar al-Gharbiya, along with Yohmor and Beaufort Castle, “given the symbolism of this area and its proximity to the city of Nabatieh.”

The zone carries strategic weight for both sides, security sources in southern Lebanon told Asharq Al-Awsat.

For Israel, it would be a test of security for northern towns and settlements. For Lebanon, it would push the Israeli army away from the surrounding areas of Nabatieh.

Israeli forces advanced last week in the area north of the Litani River, taking control of large parts of Zawtar al-Sharqiya and Yohmor.

By Sunday, they had reached the strategic historic site of Beaufort Castle before coming under Hezbollah fire from rockets and explosive drones, according to successive statements by the group. The security sources said Israeli forces carried out demolitions in parts of Yohmor and Zawtar, but did not establish a military position in the area.

The heights are among the most important military and geopolitical points in southern Lebanon. They overlook the Litani River, towns along its eastern bank, the Nabatieh to Marjayoun road to the east, Nabatieh and its suburbs to the west, and towns on both sides of Wadi al-Hujeir to the south.

For Israel, the elevated area forms a key security depth because it overlooks occupied areas in southern Lebanon and northern towns. It lies just 4 kilometers from the settlement of Metula.

Beaufort Castle has long been a focal point of fighting since the 1982 invasion. From the west, it overlooks the area between the Litani and Zahrani rivers and is the highest hill in that sector.

That position gives its holder a major military advantage. From Beaufort Castle and Yohmor, it is possible to overlook Taybeh, Deir Seryan, and Qantara, where the Israeli army is now deployed.

For that reason, “it cannot leave it outside its control, or without security arrangements, if it wants to remain in the area where it is stationed.”

For Lebanon, an Israeli withdrawal from the high ground is a priority for allowing residents to return to Nabatieh and its surroundings. The area overlooks territory to its west as far as the sea, meaning that an Israeli military presence there would leave nearby towns, as well as Nabatieh, exposed to strikes.

The city lies between 3 and 5 kilometers from Beaufort Castle, Yohmor, and Zawtar.

Sources in southern Lebanon say an agreement on the pilot zone would mean the area is demilitarized and falls under the control of the Lebanese army alone.

If the plan succeeds, it could gradually expand to other areas, including zones north of the yellow line in Majdal Zoun and Zebqine in the western sector, towns overlooking Wadi al-Slouqi in the central sector, or those overlooking Wadi al-Hujeir in the eastern sector.