Israel Plans to Capture All of Gaza under New Plan, Officials Say

 An Israeli army tank maneuvers in the Gaza Strip, is seen from southern Israel, Sunday, May 4, 2025. (AP)
An Israeli army tank maneuvers in the Gaza Strip, is seen from southern Israel, Sunday, May 4, 2025. (AP)
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Israel Plans to Capture All of Gaza under New Plan, Officials Say

 An Israeli army tank maneuvers in the Gaza Strip, is seen from southern Israel, Sunday, May 4, 2025. (AP)
An Israeli army tank maneuvers in the Gaza Strip, is seen from southern Israel, Sunday, May 4, 2025. (AP)

Israel approved plans Monday to capture the entire Gaza Strip and to stay in the Palestinian territory for an unspecified amount of time, two Israeli officials said, a move that, if implemented, would vastly expand Israel's operations there and likely draw fierce international opposition.

Israeli Cabinet ministers approved the plan in an early morning vote, hours after the Israeli military chief said the army was calling up tens of thousands of reserve soldiers.

The new plan, which the officials said was meant to help Israel achieve its war aims of defeating Hamas and freeing hostages held in Gaza, also calls for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians to move to Gaza's south. That would likely amount to their forcible displacement and exacerbate an already dire humanitarian crisis.

A third person, a defense official, said the new plan would not begin until after US President Donald Trump wraps up his expected visit to the Middle East this month, allowing for the possibility that Israel might agree to a ceasefire in the meantime. All three officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were discussing military plans.

Israel withdrew from Gaza in 2005 after a decades-long occupation and then imposed a blockade on the territory along with Egypt. Capturing and potentially occupying the territory again for an indefinite period would not only further dash hopes for Palestinian statehood, it would embed Israel inside a population that is deeply hostile to it and raise questions about how Israel plans to govern the territory, especially at a time when it is considering how to implement Trump’s vision to take over Gaza.

Since Israel ended a ceasefire with the Hamas group in mid-March, Israel has unleashed fierce strikes on the territory that have killed hundreds. It has captured swaths of territory and now controls roughly 50% of Gaza. Before the truce ended, Israel halted all humanitarian aid into the territory, including food, fuel and water, setting off what is believed to the be the worst humanitarian crisis in nearly 19 months of war.

The war began when Hamas-led fighters attacked southern Israel, killing 1,200 people and taking about 250 hostages. Israel says 59 captives remain in Gaza, although about 35 are believed to be dead.

Israel’s offensive has displaced more than 90% of Gaza’s population and, Palestinian health officials say, killed more than 52,000 people there, many of them women and children. The officials do not distinguish between combatants and civilians in their count.

The Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza said Monday that the bodies of 32 people killed by Israeli strikes have been brought to hospitals over the past 24 hours.

Israel is trying to ratchet up pressure on Hamas

The Israeli officials said the plan included the "capturing of the strip and the holding of territories."

The plan would also seek to prevent Hamas from distributing humanitarian aid, a role that Israel says strengthens the group's rule in Gaza. It also accuses Hamas of keeping the aid for itself, without providing evidence. Aid workers deny there is a significant diversion of aid to militants, saying the UN strictly monitors distribution.

The officials said Israel was in touch with several countries about Trump's plan to take over Gaza and relocate its population, under what Israel has termed "voluntary emigration." That proposal has drawn widespread condemnation, including from Israel's allies in Europe, and rights groups have warned it could be a war crime under international law.

Hamas officials did not return calls and messages seeking comment on the plans.

For weeks, Israel has been trying to ratchet up pressure on Hamas to get the group to agree to its terms in ceasefire negotiations. But the measures do not appear to have moved Hamas away from its negotiating positions.

The previous ceasefire was meant to lead the sides to negotiate an end to the war, but that has remained elusive. Israel says it won’t agree to end the war until Hamas' governing and military capabilities are dismantled. Hamas, meanwhile, has sought an agreement that winds down the war without agreeing to disarm.

Israel's expansion announcement angered families of hostages who fear that any extension of the conflict endangers their loved ones. The Hostages and Missing Families Forum, which supports families, urged Israel's decision-makers to prioritize the hostages and secure a deal quickly.

At a Knesset committee meeting Monday, Einav Zangauker, whose son Matan is being held hostage, called on soldiers "not to report for reserve duty for moral and ethical reasons."

Some reservists have indicated they will refuse to serve in a war they increasingly view as politically motivated.

Israel wants to prevent Hamas from handling aid

The defense official said the plan would "separate" Hamas from the aid by using private firms and by using specified areas secured by the Israeli military. The official added that Palestinians would be screened to prevent Hamas from accessing the aid.

According to a memo circulated among aid groups and seen by The Associated Press, Israel told the United Nations that it will use private security companies to control aid distribution in Gaza. The UN, in a statement Sunday, said it would not participate in the plan as presented, saying it violates its core principles.

The memo summarized a meeting between the Israeli defense body in charge of coordinating aid to Gaza, called COGAT, and the UN It was written by a group briefed on the meeting and sent Sunday to aid organizations.

According to the memo, under COGAT’s plan, all aid will enter Gaza through the Kerem Shalom crossing, on approximately 60 trucks daily, and be distributed directly to people. Some 500 trucks entered Gaza every day before the war.

The memo said that facial-recognition technology will be used to identify Palestinians at logistics hubs and text message alerts will notify people in the area that they can collect aid.

COGAT did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The UN accuses Israel of wanting to control aid as a ‘pressure tactic’

After Israel said it was going to assert more control over aid distribution in Gaza, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs sent an email to aid groups, urging them to "collectively hold the line" and reject any "draconian restrictions on humanitarian work."

The email, which OCHA sent Monday to aid groups and was shared with the AP, further stated that there are mechanisms in place to ensure aid is not diverted.

Earlier, OCHA said in a statement that the plan would leave large parts of the population, including the most vulnerable, without supplies. It said the plan "appears designed to reinforce control over life-sustaining items as a pressure tactic – as part of a military strategy."

Aid groups have said they are opposed to using any armed or uniformed personnel to distribute aid that could potentially intimidate Palestinians or put them at risk, and they fiercely criticized the new plan.

Israeli officials "want to manipulate and militarize all aid to civilians, forcing us to deliver supplies through hubs designed by the Israeli military, once the government agrees to reopen crossings," Jan Egeland, secretary general of the Norwegian Refugee Council, posted on X, saying the group would not participate.

Hamas decried Israel’s efforts to control distribution of humanitarian aid in Gaza as a violation of international law.

In a statement Monday, the group said the effort is "an extension of the starvation policy" adopted by the Israeli government in Gaza.

Earlier this month, the AP obtained notes summarizing various Israeli proposals on aid distribution and aid groups’ concerns about them. In those documents, the groups expressed fears that Palestinians would be required to retrieve aid from a small number of sites, forcing families to move to get assistance and putting their safety at risk if large crowds gathered at the sites.



Israeli Army Advances into Lebanon on Four Axes

Israeli artillery fires toward Lebanese territory as forces attempt deeper incursions (AFP)
Israeli artillery fires toward Lebanese territory as forces attempt deeper incursions (AFP)
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Israeli Army Advances into Lebanon on Four Axes

Israeli artillery fires toward Lebanese territory as forces attempt deeper incursions (AFP)
Israeli artillery fires toward Lebanese territory as forces attempt deeper incursions (AFP)

Israeli troops advanced from four directions on Friday into Lebanese territory, as attacks resumed along the Khiam and Taybeh axes, operations restarted on the Maroun al-Ras front, and a new axis was opened in the western sector toward the town of Naqoura.

The push appears aimed at dispersing defending forces confronting the incursions by widening the scope of the assault and diversifying its axes. The move follows a two-day lull in the offensive on Khiam and a lack of progress on the Taybeh front on Thursday, when tanks came under anti-tank missile fire.

Sources in southern Lebanon told Asharq Al-Awsat that heavy strikes on the towns of Yohmor, Arnoun and Zawtar, elevated areas on the western bank of the Litani River overlooking Taybeh, suggest Israeli forces are seeking to neutralize fire directed from those heights at tanks advancing in Taybeh.

They said the Israeli army is trying to reach the Litani bank and Wadi al-Hujair, in a bid to isolate the area from its southern extensions, making it easier to advance into the Hujair and Saluki valleys from the south and southwest, from the outskirts of Mays al-Jabal and Houla.

Hezbollah said in a series of statements that it fired artillery at Israeli troop concentrations in Taybeh and the Taybeh project area, and detonated explosive devices targeting troop gatherings and a bulldozer, indicating its fighters remain present in the town.

On the Khiam front, local sources in Marjayoun said Israeli forces renewed their attacks on the town, where Hezbollah fighters are still holding pockets in its center and north. They said Israeli ground units pushed toward central Khiam in an attempt to tighten control, alongside artillery shelling and airstrikes focused on its northern areas.

The sources said the attack on Khiam unfolded along three axes, from the south toward the north, from the west toward the edge of the plain, and from the east and northeast along the administrative border of Ibl al-Saqi, adding that the attempted advances were accompanied by heavy firepower.

In the central sector, Israeli forces resumed attacks toward Maroun al-Ras and Aita al-Shaab, alongside airstrikes targeting the city of Bint Jbeil and artillery shelling of Maroun al-Ras. This indicates the incursion aims to reach Bint Jbeil from the east and north, a front where Israeli forces had halted their advance last week.

Hezbollah said it detonated explosive devices in Aitaroun and targeted Israeli troop concentrations in Maroun al-Ras and its public garden.

For the first time since the war began, the Israeli army opened an incursion axis in Naqoura, days after expanding operations in the Labbouneh area east of the coastal border town.

The advance was accompanied by intense airstrikes on towns deeper inside Lebanon in the Tyre district, between 15 and 25 km away, in an apparent attempt to prevent supporting fire for defending forces and to stop attacks on advancing troop concentrations.

Since the morning, Israeli warplanes have carried out a series of airstrikes and artillery bombardments targeting at least 12 towns in the Tyre district, and around 25 towns across the Nabatieh, Marjayoun and Bint Jbeil districts.

The Israeli military said on Friday it had struck 2,000 targets in Lebanon since the war with Hezbollah began on March 2. In a statement, it said Israeli forces continue “limited, targeted ground operations” in southern Lebanon as part of what it described as advanced defensive efforts against Hezbollah.

It said that more than 2,000 targets had been hit so far, including 120 command centers, more than 110 weapons depots and more than 130 rocket launchers.

The military added that more than 570 Hezbollah fighters had been killed, including 220 from the Radwan Force, around 150 operators of surface-to-surface missiles, and more than 30 commanders of various ranks.


'Resistance' Axis without Voice as It Loses Narrative, Psychological Warfare Architects

Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)
Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)
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'Resistance' Axis without Voice as It Loses Narrative, Psychological Warfare Architects

Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)
Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)

Since the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks, the confrontation in the Middle East has not been limited to missiles and drones, but has expanded to a parallel front no less dangerous: the architects of narratives and psychological warfare.

Military spokesmen and media figures emerged, some masked, some officers, others operating in the shadows. Together, they formed the backbone of the “resistance” narrative, shaping the battle over narrative, imagery, and public perception under the broad umbrella of forces allied with Iran.

They were not merely voices for their factions or armies. They acted as architects of an integrated discourse, waging a war that targeted adversaries and audiences alike. Beneath them operated sprawling networks of platforms, activists, and media arms that reproduced and amplified messaging across digital and traditional media, reinforcing the narratives of Iran’s regional allies.

As military operations escalated, from Gaza to Lebanon and on to the latest war involving Iran, this apparatus came under concentrated strikes. Some of its most prominent figures were removed, leaving the axis narrative without many of its key voices.

Naeini, architect of “cognitive warfare”

Ali Mohammad Naini, spokesman for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, was killed at dawn on Friday, March 20, 2026, in a US-Israeli strike, removing one of the most prominent figures behind the force’s messaging during one of the war’s most sensitive phases.

Naini, 69, had served as the Guards’ official spokesman and deputy for public relations since July 2024, a role that extended beyond traditional media duties to managing political messaging and consolidating the institution’s narrative at home and abroad.

Hours before his death was announced, Fars, the news agency affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards, attributed remarks to him saying the missile industry deserved “full marks.”

Naini stood out during the 12-day war in June 2025 and in the current conflict as a key architect of “psychological warfare” in Iran’s official discourse.

In his media appearances, he framed the confrontation as a multi-layered war, psychological, cognitive, technological, and military, stressing the importance of narrative, imagery, and public perception in shaping battlefield outcomes.

He repeatedly highlighted the media's role in “telling the story of the battlefield” and countering the adversary’s “cognitive warfare,” arguing that the opposing side aimed not only to strike military capabilities but also to dismantle the state and weaken internal cohesion.

Before his death, Naini continued to warn of “surprises” and emphasized Iran’s capacity for deterrence. His killing, therefore, marked not only a media loss, but also a blow to a figure who managed the battle of messaging and psychological influence alongside the military campaign.

“Askari,” the shadow envoy

“Abu Ali al-Askari” was less an individual than a complex media and security function. He acted as a conduit between battlefield decision-making and media messaging, and as a tool for setting the political tempo in line with Iran’s vision in Iraq.

His death was announced on March 16, 2026, after rocket attacks targeted sites in Baghdad, including a house in the Karrada district believed to be hosting a meeting of armed faction leaders. There were also indications he may have been targeted in other strikes east of the capital.

Even so, his identity and the circumstances of his death remained shrouded in the ambiguity that underpinned his influence.

His role extended to setting rules of engagement, defining the political weight of local Sunni and Kurdish actors, and signaling pressure on Iraq’s external alignments, including ties with the Arab world, the Gulf, and the broader international environment.

In that sense, he functioned as an effective instrument guiding Iraq’s political process toward outcomes aligned with Iran’s approach.

Abu Ubaida, the masked voice

Abu Ubaida became a prominent media symbol through his masked appearances and rhetoric that blended threat with psychological mobilization. Over two decades, he led the Qassam media apparatus and helped establish a distinct visual and vocal identity that resonated widely.

His prominence grew sharply during Israel’s 2014 war on the Gaza Strip, which lasted about 55 days. During that conflict, he served as a key link between fighters in tunnels and various combat units, as well as between Gaza’s population and the outside world.

He gained broad popularity within Palestine and across the Arab world for his credibility. He was not prone to exaggeration in describing military operations and was noted for his eloquence and command of Arabic.

Abu Ubaida’s first recorded appearances date back to 2002 and 2003, when he was introduced as a field official in the Qassam Brigades. He later held his first news conference on Oct. 2, 2004, at al-Nour mosque in northern Gaza, where he announced a series of operations carried out against Israeli forces and tanks under the banner “Days of Rage.”

He was killed on Aug. 30, 2025, in an Israeli airstrike targeting a building in Gaza City’s Rimal neighborhood, where he was present, according to the Israeli account.

Mohammad Afif, the message craftsman

Mohammad Afif was among Hezbollah’s leading media strategists, overseeing media relations and shaping political messaging over many years, and maintaining close ties to the group’s leadership.

His role became particularly prominent after the killing of Hezbollah leaders in 2024, when he stepped in to fill a sensitive media vacuum.

Some commentators likened him to former Iraqi Information Minister Mohammed Saeed al-Sahhaf, arguing that he projected “illusory heroics” and that his messaging diverged from reality.

Researchers say Afif held media responsibilities within Hezbollah for more than 30 years, served as a media adviser to Hassan Nasrallah, built extensive ties with Lebanese and Arab journalists, helped develop the group’s media operations, and at one stage managed Al Manar television.

His assassination, they said, marked a significant escalation in Israeli efforts to pressure the resistance in Lebanon.

Afif was killed on Nov. 17, 2024, in an Israeli strike on a building in Beirut’s Ras al Nabaa district, one of several attacks targeting Hezbollah’s media infrastructure.

Abu Hamza, Saraya’s masked spokesman

Abu Hamza was one of the most prominent media figures among Palestinian factions, serving as the military spokesman for Saraya al-Quds since 2014.

He adopted a direct, tightly focused rhetoric linking military operations to psychological impact, particularly in relation to the issue of prisoners.

His real name, Naji Maher Abu Saif, was revealed only after his death, following years in which he was known simply as “the masked man” to protect his identity.

He was killed on March 18, 2025, in an Israeli airstrike targeting his home in central Gaza, which also killed several members of his family.ch


Lebanon: 350 Hezbollah Members Killed Since Start of New Round of War

Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024.   (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
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Lebanon: 350 Hezbollah Members Killed Since Start of New Round of War

Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024.   (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)

The war between Hezbollah and Israel has seen a shift in media handling, particularly regarding announcements of casualties. After initially adopting, at the start of the 2024 war, a policy of near-daily announcements, the group later gradually reduced such statements before halting them altogether. This approach continues in the current fighting, with obituary notices largely absent or confined to a limited local scope in the villages and towns from which the members originate, for security, psychological and political reasons.

From public obituaries to limited disclosure

In the first weeks of the 2024 war, Hezbollah issued successive statements naming those killed, publishing their photos and hometowns, alongside public funeral ceremonies. This approach later receded, with fewer statements issued before they nearly stopped entirely by late September 2024, when the announced toll stood at 450.

By the end of the war in November 2024, estimates put the death toll at about 4,000, including those killed in what is referred to as the “pager operation,” according to estimates rather than official figures from Hezbollah.

On Thursday, Israeli military spokesman Avichay Adraee said on X that forces from the 36th Division and the air force had “eliminated more than 20 Hezbollah members within 24 hours in southern Lebanon.”

350 members killed since start of war

Researcher Mohammad Chamseddine, from the International Information organization, told Asharq Al-Awsat the number of Hezbollah members killed so far was estimated at around 350, out of 1,001 deaths announced by Lebanon’s health ministry.

He said most were killed in the “Nabi Sheet landing” on March 7 and in clashes along the border, particularly in Khiam, where 53 members were killed. The estimates are based on the number of bodies transferred to hospitals across regions, excluding a very small number buried immediately, he added.

He said the majority of those killed were civilians or supporters rather than members, amid Israeli strikes targeting areas close to the group, while it has adopted strict measures to protect its members. Since September 2024, Hezbollah’s announcements have been limited to “senior figures,” as part of a policy aimed at reducing the impact on its support base as the toll rises.

Reducing security exposure

Retired brigadier general and military expert Hassan Jouni said Hezbollah’s decision not to announce the deaths of its members during the war was due to overlapping factors.

“The first is morale. Daily announcements, with rising casualties, have a negative impact on the support base and reflect losses that may be interpreted as an indicator of the enemy’s superiority,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He also cited security considerations, saying such statements could reveal sensitive information about identities, family ties and places of residence that could be exploited using modern technology to identify and target specific communities.

“Missing without a trace”

Jouni also pointed to those classified as “missing without a trace,” whose fate remains unknown and whose deaths are not announced due to the uncertainty surrounding their status.

He said the nature and intensity of the fighting, along with Hezbollah’s decentralized structure, made it difficult to determine the fate of some individuals. Loss of contact does not necessarily indicate death, as individuals may still be alive or captured, he said, requiring caution before any official announcement.

After a ceasefire took effect on Nov. 27, 2024, estimates indicated around 1,500 individuals were classified by Hezbollah as of “unknown fate,” with families informed of lost contact. This was followed by the recovery of bodies and DNA testing to confirm identities before announcements were made.

Most bodies were returned and buried, while some families were informed their relatives remained “missing without a trace,” meaning no remains had been found or recovery was unlikely due to destruction caused by strikes on homes and villages. Their number is estimated at about 45.