Abbas Seeks Direct, Intensive Talks with Hamas

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at a cancer center opening in Ramallah on Wednesday (AFP)
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at a cancer center opening in Ramallah on Wednesday (AFP)
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Abbas Seeks Direct, Intensive Talks with Hamas

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at a cancer center opening in Ramallah on Wednesday (AFP)
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at a cancer center opening in Ramallah on Wednesday (AFP)

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has instructed Fatah and other factions within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to engage in direct and intensive dialogue with Hamas in a bid to reach a comprehensive agreement that would bring the group into the Palestinian political system, Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

According to the sources, Abbas urged Fatah’s leadership to increase pressure on Hamas — directly or through countries with influence over the group — to turn the page on years of division and usher in a new phase in which Hamas would transform into a political party, hand over control of Gaza to the Palestinian Authority (PA), and commit to its decisions, institutions and laws.

Abbas also ordered the formation of a national dialogue committee, comprising members of Fatah’s Central Committee and the PLO’s Executive Committee, to oversee negotiations with Hamas and work toward ending the political split.

The move follows a late April meeting of the Central Council, during which Abbas reiterated the need for Hamas to relinquish its control of Gaza and return the coastal enclave to the authority of the Palestinian government.

Abbas views the recent resolutions of the Council as the foundation for any agreement with Hamas, aimed not only at resolving the Gaza impasse but also at advancing the broader goal of establishing a Palestinian state, sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Sources noted that Abbas considers the Council’s outcomes as binding terms for moving forward, stressing that unity talks must align with the national agenda of statehood.

In its final communiqué, the Council stressed that any political solution must lead to the establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state along the pre-1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital.

The Council also underscored the need for territorial and political unity, calling for a single political, legal and administrative system across all Palestinian lands.

It further declared that decisions related to war, peace and negotiations are national matters and cannot be determined unilaterally by any single faction or party.

Reaffirming the role of the PLO, the Council described it as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and the national umbrella for all Palestinians. It emphasized the importance of adhering to the PLO’s political program and international commitments.

Abbas has also called on Hamas to prioritize the national interest, warning that the current situation poses an existential threat to the Palestinian national project and the dream of statehood.

“The situation is no longer just about Gaza,” one source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It is dangerous, sensitive and decisive. What happens in Gaza now is directly tied to the fate of the Palestinian state.”

As per sources, there is regional consensus among Arab states that Hamas joining the Palestinian political system and transferring authority in Gaza to the PA offers the best way out of the current crisis, paving the way for renewed political momentum toward statehood.

The United States has also been kept informed of these developments, the sources added.

No Gaza Without a State

Speaking on Wednesday at the opening of a cancer advisory center in Ramallah, Abbas reaffirmed that only the future Palestinian state would be allowed to govern Gaza, expressing the PA’s readiness to assume full responsibility for the coastal enclave.

“If they agree, we are ready to go and take over full responsibility for Gaza, just like before the 2007 coup,” Abbas said, in reference to Hamas’s takeover of the territory. He accused unnamed actors of helping Hamas seize control in order to undermine Palestinian unity.

“We support full national unity — unity in all areas of life, in every institution, and among all factions,” Abbas said.

“But let’s be clear: anyone who truly wants national unity must commit to the Palestine Liberation Organization, the collective home of all Palestinians.”

In recent weeks, the PA has implemented its most extensive internal reforms since its inception.

These include creating the post of vice president, reshuffling top leadership in the security services, placing hundreds of senior officers into early retirement, and launching security campaigns across the West Bank.

Hamas has expressed a willingness to engage in national reconciliation efforts but is calling for a broader national dialogue to reach consensus on all major issues, including governance, arms, and the future of Gaza, sources familiar with the group’s position said.

According to the sources, Hamas has conveyed to the PA and regional mediators that it is prepared to accept a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, discuss the future of its weapons, and relinquish control of the Gaza Strip as part of a comprehensive political agreement.

However, the group has yet to respond positively to other demands and says broader discussions are still needed.

A senior Hamas source confirmed ongoing direct and indirect communication with the PA and the Fatah movement.

“We have been receiving messages through both direct and indirect channels,” the source told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“We made it clear to our brothers in Fatah that we are ready to resolve all contentious issues and are committed to that—on the basis of national principles and previous agreements. Now we are waiting for Fatah’s response.”

Years of Failed Attempts

This is not the first time the rival factions have attempted to heal the divide. Since Hamas seized control of Gaza in 2007, the two sides have met hundreds of times and launched numerous national dialogue initiatives.

While several agreements were signed, none succeeded in ending the long-standing split between the West Bank-based PA and Hamas-ruled Gaza.

Efforts at reconciliation gained renewed urgency following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel and the ensuing war in Gaza, which has further strained the fragile Palestinian political landscape.

Years of failed reconciliation efforts between Fatah and Hamas have repeatedly stumbled over fundamental disagreements — from the formation and authority of a unified government, to control over security forces, weapons, and Hamas’s integration into the PLO.

Even during the current war in Gaza, when pressure for unity surged, the factions reached a preliminary agreement in Beijing to form a national unity government — but the deal never materialized.

According to a senior PA official, the events of Oct. 7 marked a turning point for the Palestinian cause and reshaped the political landscape.

“October 7 changed everything,” the official told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The cause now stands at a crossroads, and Hamas must reckon with the new ‘nakba’ it has brought upon the Palestinian people,” they added.

 



Hezbollah Unhappy with Political Negotiations with Israel but Unlikely to Confront the State

A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)
A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)
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Hezbollah Unhappy with Political Negotiations with Israel but Unlikely to Confront the State

A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)
A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)

Hezbollah officials have avoided commenting on the Lebanese government’s decision to appoint former ambassador Simon Karam as head of the Lebanese delegation to the “mechanism committee” overseeing the ceasefire with Israel, which effectively shifted the committee’s work from military-technical talks to political negotiations.

A formal party position is expected Friday, to be delivered by Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem in a previously scheduled appearance.

Yet media outlets aligned with Hezbollah, along with its supporters on social platforms, quickly denounced the presidential decision. They described it as “another act of surrender by Lebanon, taken despite the absence of any Israeli willingness to meet Lebanese demands, chief among them ending attacks and violations, withdrawing from occupied territory, and releasing detainees.”

Sources familiar with Hezbollah’s internal discussions told Asharq Al-Awsat that Qassem will reiterate the party’s refusal to enter “a new round of negotiations as long as Israel fails to meet its obligations.”

He is also expected to reference the open letter he sent on November 6 to Lebanon’s President, Parliament Speaker, Premier and the public, stressing rejection of any new talks and reaffirming “the right of resistance.”

The sources added that both Hezbollah and Speaker Nabih Berri are dissatisfied with Karam’s appointment because of his known political stance against “the resistance.”

Still, neither intends to provoke internal conflict. Instead, they will continue working with the state “within the framework of insisting that Lebanon assume responsibility for halting Israeli aggression, recovering land, securing prisoner releases, initiating reconstruction, and above all, preventing another Israeli war.”

On Wednesday evening, Hezbollah’s Al-Manar TV criticized the inclusion of a civilian in the mechanism committee, declaring that “the Lebanese state has taken its decisions and must bear their consequences.”

It added that the government “has stepped into the unknown without guaranteed returns,” insisting that “the people of the land will not concede rights or surrender.”

Political analyst Kassem Kassir, who closely follows Hezbollah, stressed that the priority for the party and its supporters remains achieving concrete outcomes: stopping Israeli assaults, withdrawing from occupied land, freeing prisoners, and rebuilding devastated areas.

Ali Al-Amin, editor of the Janoubia news site, recalled that Hezbollah had already informed Lebanon’s leaders of its rejection of negotiations with Israel.

Still, Karam’s appointment was “a Lebanese decision driven by internal considerations,” and the party cannot block it at a time when Israel has threatened a devastating war.

While Hezbollah signaled displeasure - prompting small street protests - it has not issued an outright rejection.

Asked about the party’s red lines, Al-Amin said Hezbollah will not relinquish its weapons, particularly north of the Litani River.

Should the government attempt to enforce disarmament, he warned, confrontation with the army could follow, an outcome still viewed by Hezbollah as less costly than a new Israeli war with unpredictable consequences.


Israel Meets Lebanon’s Diplomatic Overture with Strikes on the South

Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 
Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 
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Israel Meets Lebanon’s Diplomatic Overture with Strikes on the South

Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 
Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 

Israel on Thursday ended days of ambiguity over whether the recent “positive atmosphere” created by civilian negotiations with Lebanon might ease tensions. Instead, it launched four airstrikes targeting homes in South Lebanon, including one north of the Litani River.

The attacks came less than 24 hours after the latest meeting of the joint “mechanism” committee.

The escalation appeared to answer leaked Lebanese reports that Ambassador Simon Karam, head of Lebanon’s negotiating delegation, had been tasked with discussing a cessation of hostilities, a prisoner exchange, Israeli withdrawal from occupied Lebanese areas, and technical adjustments along the Blue Line.

Al-Jadeed channel quoted President Joseph Aoun as saying Lebanon “has not entered normalization nor signed a peace agreement.”

At Thursday’s cabinet session, Aoun presented his decision to appoint Karam after consultations with Speaker Nabih Berri and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, stressing the need for talks in Naqoura and for a civilian figure in the delegation.

The initial meeting, he said, “was not expected to be highly productive,” but it paved the way for subsequent sessions beginning on the 19th. “The language of negotiation must replace the language of war,” he added.

Army Commander Gen. Rodolphe Haykal also submitted his monthly report on enforcing the state’s monopoly over arms, outlining operations south of the Litani River. Lebanese media reported a significant step in this direction: the army, accompanied by UNIFIL, reportedly seized Hezbollah rockets in the area.

As Lebanon tries to widen the diplomatic window to contain tensions and avert a large-scale Israeli attack, two contrasting messages have emerged from Israel. One camp welcomed the appointment of Karam, while another insists on separating diplomacy from military operations and preventing negotiations from influencing conditions on the ground.

This harder line became clear when Israeli army spokesperson Avichay Adraee warned residents of Mahrouna, Bar’ashit, al-Majadal (south of the Litani), and Jbaa (north of it) to evacuate at least 300 meters away because the army would soon strike Hezbollah infrastructure across the south.

Hours later, Israel carried out the strikes, saying it targeted depots embedded in residential areas - an example, it claimed, of Hezbollah’s use of civilian buildings for military purposes.

MP Ashraf Rifi told Asharq Al-Awsat that the political and security climate “remains dangerous despite the sense of relief surrounding the negotiations.” Messages from Israeli officials, he said, show that talks “do not automatically halt targeting of Hezbollah or its weapons,” adding that escalation “remains highly possible.”

Rifi said Israel has “a clear strategic project aimed at ending Iranian influence across the Arab region,” and if it concludes that Lebanon cannot disarm Hezbollah, it “may resort to military action.”

He cited the return of Israeli drones over Beirut as proof that Lebanon “remains squarely within the circle of threat.”

MP Akram Chehayeb of the Democratic Gathering said the essential question is whether Israel genuinely seeks peace, given ongoing actions against Palestinians. He argued that a return to the 1949 Armistice framework would be a major gain for Lebanon, recalling earlier negotiation rounds, including those leading to the 2022 maritime agreement.

 

 

 


'Land Without laws': Israeli Settlers Force Bedouins from West Bank Community

AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP
AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP
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'Land Without laws': Israeli Settlers Force Bedouins from West Bank Community

AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP
AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP

As relentless harassment from Israeli settlers drove his brothers from their Bedouin community in the central occupied West Bank, Ahmed Kaabneh remained determined to stay on the land his family had lived on for generations.

But when a handful of young settlers constructed a shack around 100 meters above his home and started intimidating his children, 45-year-old Kaabneh said he had no choice but to flee too.

As with scores of Bedouin communities across the West Bank, the small cluster of wood and metal houses where Kaabneh's father and grandfather had lived now lies empty.

"It is very difficult... because you leave an area where you lived for 45 years. Not a day or two or three, but nearly a lifetime," Kaabneh told AFP at his family's new makeshift house in the rocky hills north of Jericho.

"But what can you do? They are the strong ones and we are the weak, and we have no power."

Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967, and violence there has soared since the Gaza war erupted in October 2023 following Hamas's attack on Israel.

Some 3,200 Palestinians from dozens of Bedouin and herding communities have been forced from their homes by settler violence and movement restrictions since October 2023, the UN's humanitarian agency OCHA reported in October.

The United Nations said this October was the worst month for settler violence since it began recording incidents in 2006.

Almost none of the perpetrators have been held to account by the Israeli authorities.

'Terrifying'

Kaabneh, four of his brothers and their families, now live together some 13 kilometers (eight miles) northeast of their original homes, which sat in the al-Hathrura area.

Outside his freshly constructed metal house, boys kicked a football while washing hung from the line. But Kaabneh said the area didn't feel like home.

"We are in a place we have never lived in before, and life here is hard," he said.

Alongside surging violence, the number of settler outposts has exploded in the West Bank.

While all Israeli settlements are illegal under international law, outposts are also prohibited under Israeli law. But many end up being legalized by the Israeli authorities.

AFP had visited Kaabneh in the al-Hathrura area weeks before he was forced to flee.

On the dirt road to his family's compound, caravans and an Israeli flag atop a hill marked an outpost established earlier this year -- one of several to have sprung up in the area.

On the other side of the track, in the valley, lay the wreckage of another Bedouin compound whose residents had recently fled.

While in Kaabneh's cluster of homes, AFP witnessed two settlers driving to the top of a hill to surveil the Bedouins below.

"The situation is terrifying," Kaabneh said at the time, with life becoming almost untenable because of daily harassment and shrinking grazing land.

Less than three weeks later, the homes were deserted.

Kaabneh said the settlers "would shout all night, throw stones, and walk through the middle of the houses."

"They didn't allow us to sleep at night, nor move freely during the day."

'Thrive on chaos'

These days, only activists and the odd cat wander the remnants of Kaabneh's former life -- where upturned children's bikes and discarded shoes reveal the chaotic departure.

"We are here to keep an eye on the property... because a lot of places that are abandoned are usually looted by the settlements," said Sahar Kan-Tor, 29, an Israeli activist with the Israeli-Palestinian grassroots group Standing Together.

Meanwhile, settlers with a quadbike and digger were busy dismantling their hilltop shack and replacing it with a sofa and table.

"They thrive on chaos," Kan-Tor explained.

"It is, in a way, a land without laws. There (are) authorities roaming around, but nothing is enforced, or very rarely enforced."

A report by Israeli settlement watchdogs last December said settlers had used shepherding outposts to seize 14 percent of the West Bank in recent years.

NGOs Peace Now and Kerem Navot said settlers were acting "with the backing of the Israeli government and military".

Some members of Israel's right-wing government are settlers themselves, and far-right ministers have called for the West Bank's annexation.

Kan-Tor said he believed settlers were targeting this stretch of the West Bank because of its significance for a contiguous Palestinian state.

But Kaabneh said the threat of attacks loomed even in his new location in the east of the territory.

He said settlers had already driven along the track leading to his family's homes and watched them from the hill above.

"Even this area, which should be considered safe, is not truly safe," Kaabneh lamented.

"They pursue us everywhere."