US Forces in Baghdad Adjust to ‘Potential War’

A photo from Ain al-Asad base in Anbar, Iraq, December 29, 2019 (Reuters)
A photo from Ain al-Asad base in Anbar, Iraq, December 29, 2019 (Reuters)
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US Forces in Baghdad Adjust to ‘Potential War’

A photo from Ain al-Asad base in Anbar, Iraq, December 29, 2019 (Reuters)
A photo from Ain al-Asad base in Anbar, Iraq, December 29, 2019 (Reuters)

The US military in Iraq is shifting its posture amid rising tensions between Iran and Israel, even as Tehran grows frustrated with Baghdad’s reluctance to take sides.

Iranian National Security Council Secretary Ali Larijani recently left the Iraqi capital without what he described as “reassuring answers” to Tehran’s request for help in tightening border security in the event of conflict.

According to well-informed sources, the adjustments underway do not represent a departure from the US–Iraq agreement reached last September, which stipulates the withdrawal of several hundred American troops by September 2025, with the remainder scheduled to depart by the end of 2026. What is more likely, they added, is that Washington’s advisory role will ensure a continued, even if reduced, US presence in Iraq even after the drawdown.

Realignment of Forces

A US official, speaking on condition of anonymity, stressed that Washington is not implementing fundamental changes to its presence in Iraq. He said that any expected incidents over the coming months would remain within the framework of the 2024 security agreement with Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani’s government.

Still, the official confirmed that US forces are being repositioned across bases in Iraq and the broader region. “It’s not a large-scale operation,” he said, “but it responds carefully to a new security risk map in Iraq and its surroundings.” He declined to elaborate on the nature of those risks or their geographic location.

Political sources in Baghdad, however, suggested that Tehran has privately signaled Iraqi factions about the possibility of a new confrontation with Israel and the United States. Yet many in Iraq’s political class appear hesitant to align with Iran’s more confrontational posture. Earlier this month, Asharq al-Awsat reported that Iranian envoys had urged Iraqi militias to resist disarmament and prepare for renewed hostilities.

American officials believe that their troop movements are partly a response to Tehran’s recent maneuvers - both political and military - including attempts to “rebuild military capabilities.” A leaked internal document dated July 27 revealed that Kataib Hezbollah, one of the most powerful Iraqi militias, has been preparing for possible escalation inside Iraq or beyond its borders.

Activity at Ain al-Asad

In recent weeks, the Ain al-Asad airbase west of Baghdad has seen a flurry of activity. Sources reported that heavy logistical equipment was packed and stored there, while sensitive assets such as early-warning systems and radar units were transferred to undisclosed locations, believed to be other US bases in the region.

Though the exact destinations remain unclear, officials suggest the redeployment is part of the broader repositioning strategy. The movement of critical air-defense systems underscores Washington’s concern about the possibility of sudden flare-ups.

An Iraqi official confirmed to Asharq al-Awsat that the US withdrawal timetable remains unchanged and that no acceleration has been discussed despite regional turmoil. “Even the 12-day war did not alter the terms or schedule,” the official noted, referring to the brief but intense confrontation earlier this summer.

A senior political adviser in Baghdad argued that Washington is unlikely to embrace a full departure under current conditions. “Iraq may no longer offer the Americans a lucrative strategic opportunity, but it remains a zone of geopolitical leverage in their contest with Iran,” he said.

Iran Frustrated in Baghdad

While Washington pressures Baghdad to resist legislation that would further entrench the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), Tehran has struggled to rally Iraq’s official institutions. This imbalance of influence was evident during Larijani’s recent visit.

Iran’s security chief proposed Iraqi assistance in securing the shared border, citing evidence that fighters, equipment, and technology had crossed into Iran during and before the 12-day conflict with Israel. But Baghdad pushed back, telling him bluntly that Iraq lacks the capacity to succeed where even Tehran’s formidable intelligence and military structures had fallen short. Sources said Larijani “was not pleased” by the response.

On August 11, Larijani and Iraqi National Security Adviser Qasim al-Araji signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at tightening border control and curbing smuggling. The agreement drew objections from Washington. Araji later defended it in a meeting with US chargé d’affaires Steven Fagin, insisting that Iraq acts “on the basis of its supreme national interests” and as a fully sovereign state.



Lebanon PM: Those Killed in Israeli Strike Were Not 'Military Infrastructure'

People inspect a damaged building after an Israeli airstrike on the village of Ansar, southern Lebanon, 15 August 2026. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
People inspect a damaged building after an Israeli airstrike on the village of Ansar, southern Lebanon, 15 August 2026. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
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Lebanon PM: Those Killed in Israeli Strike Were Not 'Military Infrastructure'

People inspect a damaged building after an Israeli airstrike on the village of Ansar, southern Lebanon, 15 August 2026. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
People inspect a damaged building after an Israeli airstrike on the village of Ansar, southern Lebanon, 15 August 2026. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said on Saturday that seven people, including two women and three children, killed in an Israeli strike were not military targets, after Israel said it struck Hezbollah "infrastructure.”

"The seven martyrs of the Israeli strike on the village of Ansar are not 'military infrastructure' and the women and children who were killed are not military targets," Salam said, adding that "Israel must halt this escalation,” which he said was "extremely dangerous and undermines efforts to consolidate stability in the south.”

State-run National News Agency said the airstrike targeted a home on the edge of Ansar.

The Israeli military said in a statement that it struck “Hezbollah infrastructure” in the areas of Ali Taher and Ansar in response to an action against Israeli soldiers in the area.

The military added that it will not allow Hezbollah to harm Israeli civilians or soldiers “and will continue to operate to remove threats.”

Israel and the Lebanese government announced a “framework agreement” on June 26, laying out a plan for Israeli forces to withdraw from southern Lebanon, in exchange for Hezbollah’s disarmament.

Hezbollah has refused direct talks and wasn’t party to the deal.


Israeli Airstrike on Southern Lebanon Kills 7 People

A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)
A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)
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Israeli Airstrike on Southern Lebanon Kills 7 People

A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)
A photograph taken from the southern Lebanese area of Nabatieh shows smoke as it rises from the site of Israeli strikes that targeted the hilltops of the mountainous area of the strategic Ali al-Taher ridge on August 14, 2026. (Photo by AFP)

An Israeli airstrike on southern Lebanon killed seven people early Saturday, the worst toll since deals in June saw a lull in hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah.

The state-run National News Agency (NNA) said Israel "escalated its attacks on the south,” reporting that "a strike launched by enemy warplanes on a home" on the outskirts of the village of Ansar "killed seven people and wounded three others.”

It said the strike destroyed the home and that emergency rescuers were removing rubble and transporting the casualties to hospital.

The death toll from the airstrike makes it the deadliest since Lebanon and Israel announced a framework agreement on June 26, laying out a plan for Israeli forces to withdraw from southern Lebanon, in exchange for Hezbollah’s disarmament.

Violence has significantly decreased since the signing of a US-Iran memorandum of understanding in June on the broader Middle East war, and the US-sponsored framework deal between Lebanon and Israel.

But Lebanon still reports intermittent Israeli strikes occasionally causing casualties, and the broad demolitions of civilian buildings in southern villages and towns.

The NNA said "the valley between Ansar and Zarariyeh was also subjected to a strike, the first at this geographical depth since the ceasefire two months ago.”

It also said "Israeli warplanes carried out a series of airstrikes targeting the Ali al-Taher ridge,” a strategic hill overlooking the Nabatieh area, also reporting Israeli shelling there.

The news agency said Israeli forces detonated homes in the town of Bint Jbeil near the border.


Iraqi Faction Rejects Using Force to Disarm Groups

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, Coordination Framework member Hadi al-Amiri, and Reconstruction and Development Alliance leader Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani (Coordination Framework)
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, Coordination Framework member Hadi al-Amiri, and Reconstruction and Development Alliance leader Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani (Coordination Framework)
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Iraqi Faction Rejects Using Force to Disarm Groups

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, Coordination Framework member Hadi al-Amiri, and Reconstruction and Development Alliance leader Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani (Coordination Framework)
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, Coordination Framework member Hadi al-Amiri, and Reconstruction and Development Alliance leader Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani (Coordination Framework)

Iraq's Badr Organization that is led by Hadi al-Amiri has rejected the government's attempts to using force to disarm armed factions.

The organization’s stance reflects growing disagreement within the political parties of the Coordination Framework over the future of weapons held by armed groups and their relationship with the state.

In a statement issued on Friday, head of the political bureau of the Badr Organization Mohammed Naji said the group opposes any threat to use force to seize the weapons of the factions, warning that raising the issue of disarmament in this manner could lead to tensions and internal strife.

Naji argued that the campaign to place all weapons exclusively under state control is viewed by the organization as coming under pressure from the United States.

"We will not allow the Prime Minister or anyone else to reach this level in dealing with our brothers in the resistance, because that would open the door to internal discord, the primary beneficiaries of which would be the US, the Zionist entity, and those lying in wait for us,” said Naji.

The Organization's position comes at a time when the Iraqi government is seeking to reinforce the principle that all weapons should be held solely by state institutions, amid increasing debate among political parties and armed factions on how this policy should be implemented and the timetable for doing so.

Writer and journalist Montadhar Naser believes that the issue of placing all weapons under state control has exposed contradictions within the forces that make up the Coordination Framework, with divisions extending even into some of the parties and factions themselves.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said the dispute is not limited to how weapons should be handled. It is also linked to defining the nature of Iraq’s relationship with both the US and Iran, and to determining the extent to which security and military decision-making can remain independent of armed groups that are connected to external actors.

The debate on the issue of weapons coincided with another unannounced visit to Baghdad by Esmail Qaani, commander of the Quds Force of Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), during which he met with a number of leaders of the Coordination Framework.

The visit sparked speculation about the nature of Qaani's meetings and whether he had also met Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi.

Iraqi sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Tehran wants to keep the issue of factional weapons effectively unresolved, while potentially transferring nominal control of those arms to the government.

According to the same sources, this proposal may be acceptable to some leaders within the Coordination Framework, but it is not favored by the relevant Iraqi state authorities.

The disagreement places the government before a sensitive political and security test. Any attempt to impose disarmament by force could trigger a confrontation with factions that possess significant political and security influence.

Conversely, postponing the issue or settling for merely symbolic measures could undermine the state's efforts to strengthen its monopoly over military and security decision-making.